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Remarks on the Character Yan 延 in the Geling 葛陵 Chu Manuscripts

Remarks on the Character Yan 延 in the Geling 葛陵 Chu Manuscripts 1IntroductionIn 1994, excavators found a significant number of accounts of divination and prayers written on bamboo slips from the Geling Chu tomb 葛陵楚墓, dated to the last years of the reign of King Dao of Chu 楚悼王 (r. 401–381 BCE). These slips feature a number of characters usually transcribed as yan 延 in published transcriptions, which tend to appear in the phrase, yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之.1 However, taking a closer look into the components of these characters reveals that they are not consistent in each instance, making this transcription problematic. In addition, even if we agree that they are equivalents of the modern character yan 延, a clear consensus on the meaning of this phrase has not been reached. Therefore, it is necessary to rethink these characters and the word(s) for which they stand. Do all these characters stand for the word yan 延, and do they even represent the same word? If they do, why have they been written differently? How many possibilities exist for translating the phrase yan zhong 延鐘, or yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之? Which of them makes more sense in their context? These are some questions we must consider.The phrase yan zhong 延鐘, preserved completely or not, appears ten times, usually followed by the phrase le zhi 樂之. These references are listed below, transcribed into modern standard orthography, with a translation for each sentence. In order to eliminate prejudice, I keep the punctuation marks on the slips, retain the original image of this problematic character in the transcription, and use an “X” to stand for it in English translation. After this examination, I will propose a tentative interpretation of the phrase in question to complete these English translations at the end of this essay.2(1) ⧄璧以禱大牢饋鐘樂之百之赣盬占之曰吉既告且⧄ (Geling 甲三 136)… jade. Prayed with the neng ritual and presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Played the drum.3 Danced.4 The divination official Gusheng prognosticated it saying, “Auspicious.” After informing, also …(2) ⧄饋鐘樂之⧄ (Geling 甲三 145)… presented. X zhong le zhi ….(3), (4) ⧄各大牢饋鐘樂之舉禱子西君文夫人各特牛饋鐘樂之定占之曰吉是月之⧄ (Geling 零 13; Geling 甲三 200)5… Each was presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Conducted the Ju prayer to the Prince Zixi and the Madam Wen. Each was presented a sacrificial ox.6 X zhong le zhi. The divination official Ding prognosticated it saying, “Auspicious.” That month, went …(5) ⧄竞平王大牢饋鐘樂之、迻夏⧄ (Geling 甲三 209)7… the Lord Jingping. Presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Removed the Xia …(6) ⧄瘥以其故敓之迻盬𪺞之祟𩞑祭昭王大牢鐘樂之郑⧄ (Geling 甲三 212; 199–3)8… recovered. Conducted an exorcism for this reason. Removed the curse of Yanxin. Sacrificed to King Zhao with the pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Zheng …(7) ⧄大牢饋鐘樂之 (Geling 甲三 261)… presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi.(8) ⧄其故說之舉禱於昭王獻惠王各大牢饋⧄ (Geling 乙一 29; 30)… conducted an exorcism for this reason. Conducted the Ju prayer to King Zhao and King Xianhui. Respectively presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X (zhong le zhi) …(9) ⧄鐘樂之⧄ (Geling 乙三 63)… X zhong le zhi. …(10) ⧄鐘⧄ (Geling 零 8)… X zhong …In the cases above, this word forms a phrase with zhong 鐘, usually preceded by tailao kui 大牢饋 and followed by lezhi 樂之 and a punctuation mark. Although in (8) the characters after are missing, the phrase functions similarly as in (1)–(7) because of the preceding tailao kui 大牢饋. Therefore, I also consider (8) as an item in this list.2Categorization and ComponentsThese graphs can be divided into three types based on their components:Table 1Three formsThree formsGraphs of the first type contain two components: and . It is obvious that the former can be identified as zhi 止, a common component in early Chinese characters written with a curved horizontal stroke at the bottom and two inclined or slightly curved vertical strokes at the top, although the curvature differs in individual characters. The latter component looks very similar to yin 廴, as it is often transcribed. However, according to other graphs with the component 廴, does not appear to be a typical form. There are few examples of this component in Chu manuscripts. According to other sources including oracle bone inscriptions, bronze inscriptions, and Qin manuscripts, the component 廴 usually contains two or three strokes ( or ). In only a few cases is there an additional stroke on top ();9 the graphs in the first category even have one more stroke than this. However, also in the Geling manuscripts, there is another “typical” graph, (甲三 268), as in “arrive at the River Jiang, Han, Ju, Zhang, and then proceed to the River Huai” 及江漢沮漳延至於淮. The yan 延 or chan 㢟 here functions as an adverb, and it is written in a way similar to this word in other resources where it functions as an adverb as well.10 Does the additional set of strokes in indicate a lexical variation between in this category and yan 延 in the phrase yan zhi yu 延至於? We may look for answers to this in other graphs on this table before we go back to this question.Graphs of type II and type III contain three components. The upper right part is also a zhi 止. The left part of II-1 is a typical chi 彳, and for II-2 and II-3 there is a typical 廴 written as without additional strokes. For type III, the combination of 彳 and 止 is usually transcribed as 辵 or 辶. The components 彳, 辶, and 廴 are often interchangeable.The lower part is the most controversial. In Xincai Geling Chu mu 新蔡葛陵楚墓, all five characters are transcribed as shan 脠. He Linyi 何琳儀 argues that this component stands for rou 肉 “meat.” However, he does not explain the variation in these graphs, and the only source he cites is Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, which defines shan 脠 as “raw meat paste, with rou as signific and yan 延 as phonetic” 生肉酱也从肉延聲.11 However, 脠 in our context is not likely to stand for raw meat paste. Given this transcription, the only way to interpret the meaning of the phrase is to decipher it as a loan graph with a similar pronunciation. But there are other interpretations. Xu Zaiguo 徐在國 generally agrees with He’s transcription, while Song Huaqiang 宋華強 considers the lower part of II-1 and II-2 to represent yue 月 rather than rou 肉. Furthermore, both notice an important variation in II-3. They identify the lower part of II-3 as tian 㐁 and argue that it serves a phonetic function.12 Zhang Xinjun 張新俊 also agrees that this component is tian 㐁, but does not consider it a phonetic component.13According to Zhang Xinjun, the transcription tian 㐁 is based on reconstructing the missing part of as . I agree that the upper part should be zhi 止, since the upper part of slip 乙三 63 is missing. As Zhang proposes, however, in other characters tian 㐁 is written with a closed outer frame. This shows that component is not tian 㐁. However, I believe the lower part should be completed as instead of since we can notice a vertical ink trace in the middle. As such, this component comes close to some forms of zhou 舟 in Chu manuscripts and other Warring States period manuscripts:(𣑮) (Guxi huibian 古璽彙編 2407)(舟) (Geling 甲三 321)(舟) (Baoshan 157)(歬) (Baoshan 122)He Linyi points out, “In bronze inscriptions, zhou 舟 is written as . Warring States writing is similar to the bronze inscriptions, … while sometimes the curved stroke loops around 或弧筆上環 as , , etc.”14 The component accords with this description.Moreover, there are some cases where 舟 is written similarly with 月. In contrast to the typical 舟 (/) in Chu manuscripts, sometimes the outer frame is connected into one curved stroke as 月:(歬) (Xinyang 信陽 2.18)() (Guxi huibian 古璽彙編 2007)(歬) (*Xi zhe jun lao 昔者君老 1)Therefore, all of the lower parts in types II and III are consistent: they are all variants of zhou 舟. Then, if we identify the lower parts as zhou 舟, there are more cases with similar layout where zhou 舟 is written below zhi 止, forming qian 歬 in direct transcription.As for the phonetic component of these graphs, Song Huaqiang argues that for II-1, II-2 and III, 月 and 止 form a graph qian 歬 or qian 前 to explain the pronunciation of the character. Based on Qiu Xigui 裘錫圭 and Liu Zhao’s 劉釗 explanation that certain parts of ideographic characters can be repurposed as phonetic components,15 Song suggests that this phenomenon belongs to the “differentiation” 分化 (fenhua) of phonetic components. However, since he identifies the lower part of II-3 as tian 㐁, he hesitates to extend this application to II-3. In fact, based on the discussion above, qian 歬 or qian 前 is also the phonetic component of II-3.There are many other similar graphs or graphs with comparable components in other Chu manuscripts. For example, in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi 戰國古文字聲系, (Baoshan 2.185) and (Baoshan 2.193) are transcribed as , while in Chuxi jianbo wenzi bian 楚系簡帛文字編, they are transcribed as ,16 and (Ejun chejie 鄂君車節) in turn, is transcribed as in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi. All these transcriptions are based on the notion that the lower parts stand for zhou 舟; moreover, transcriptions with qian 歬 in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi are direct transcriptions, while those with qian 前 in Chuxi jianbo wenzi bian are interpretive transcriptions.173Transcription and Scribal StylesBased on the discussion above as well as the similarity between these graphs in the Geling and other Chu manuscripts, the Geling graphs should also be transcribed similarly. In sum, the three types of graphs can be transcribed as follows:Table 2Direct and interpretive transcriptionsDirect and interpretive transcriptionsa Forms in parenthesis will be explained later in this sectionThese three graph types demonstrate common features as well as differences. Do these differences, then, indicate only graphic variation or lexical variation? I tend to view them as indicating graphic variation for two main reasons:(1) The components’ differences are commensurable. First, in Chu manuscripts, 辶, 彳 are often interchangeable with 廴, which can be seen in writings of dao 道, fu 復, jian 建, etc. Second, all of these graphs contain a lower component in addition to the upper chan 㢟. The additional lower two strokes of type I are indicators of a change of meaning, and thus written to show that this word is different from the adverb yan 延. They act as a loan for zhou 舟 in the other cases. Chen Wei 陳偉 and Yang Hua 楊華 agree that some of these graphs (namely, type III) stand for or , but they do not elaborate on whether they are composed of zhou 舟 or yue 月. Moreover, they hesitate to apply this conclusion to all graphs in types II and III. They consider the lower yue 月 as a separate component; thus, this separate component is omitted in type I.18 Compared to other common forms of qian 歬 or qian 前 in Chu manuscripts with two additional strokes between zhi 止 and the lower yue 月 (e.g. [Guodian 郭店 Laozi 老子 甲 4], [Xizhe junlao 昔者君老 1], [Xizhe junlao 1]),19 type I omits yue 月 while keeping the distinguishing strokes ();20 types II-1 and II-2 omit the two strokes over yue 月 while keeping the yue 月 (/); type II-3 uses another variation of zhou 舟 (); type III keeps one distinguishing stroke in the middle as well as the lower part of zhou 舟, which forms yue 月 (). Additionally, none of these presents a decorative stroke in the upper left corner, and the two additional strokes in type I indicate a lexical variation from yan 延 as an adverb.(2) The structural types above coincide with different scribal styles, likely indicating different norms of writing related to different scribal hands. The table below lists cropped images of the bamboo slips in which the three types of graphs appear, as well as graphic variations of other words:21Table 3Correlation Graphic Form and Scribal StyleCorrelation Graphic Form and Scribal StyleIn this table, slips in which type I appears to demonstrate a relatively consistent scribal style. In terms of overall arrangement, every character stretches to fill the width of the slip. Furthermore, if we put a quadrangle around each character, we can observe the vertical axis of each character leans slightly to the left. Style I can be further divided into styles I-1 and I-2. In I-1, characters with more horizontal strokes are written in a taller shape (lao 牢, kui 饋, zhong 鍾) while those with fewer horizontal strokes are written in a flatter shape (da 大, le 樂, zhi 之). In I-2, the length-width ratio of characters is relatively consistent throughout the slip. The two styles demonstrate different features of handling the brush as well. In slips of type I-1, characters are written with a medium speed; the beginnings of strokes usually form a round ink point, the ends are usually slender, and curved strokes form moderate arcs. In slips of type I-2, characters are written with a faster speed; the beginnings have sharper corners and strokes end quickly, forming sharper tails, and curved strokes are straighter.As mentioned above, type II has three structural types. In this table, the scribal style also demonstrates three types. Apart from slip II-1, which is seriously damaged, II-2’s characters are taller, thinner, and arranged in a sparser way; meanwhile, characters in slip II-3 are closer to squares. However, compared to scribal style I, we can find common features in style II where the axial alignment of individual characters is neutral, strokes are written with a slower speed featuring consistent thickness in beginnings and ends, and characters demonstrate more decorative features than style I.The scribal style of the two slips in which appears is identical, which implies that the two slips were highly likely written by the same scribal hand. Characters in scribal style III are generally larger with a higher length-width ratio and smaller spaces between individual characters. Longer strokes are written with lower speed, while shorter strokes are written faster. Curved strokes are exaggerated, demonstrating a higher level of delicacy. Furthermore, other characters demonstrate graphic differences from those in type I as well. For example, the graphs standing for the word lao 牢 appear in a simpler form; the lower left strokes of kui 饋 are less curved while the lower right points appear more to the left; finally, the right point of zhi 之 is almost vertical rather than slightly leaning to the right as in styles I and II.The table above illustrates the classification consistency of the three scribal styles and three structural types of the characters under investigation, suggesting that the differences in structure are due to individual training or habit. Therefore, it is likely that these graphs stand for the same word. The interpretive transcription for the three types should be , , and respectively. Notably, although types I and III have different direct transcriptions, they share the same interpretive transcription which combines 前 and 廴. I select the form as a standard form for the following argument while considering the other as graphic variants.22 The following section will examine its pronunciation and discuss the reading of .4Reading and InterpretationSimilar graphs in a similar phrase can be observed in the Tianxingguan 天星觀 Chu manuscripts (, Tianxingguan 123),23 transcribed as qian 鎆. There are two different views regarding the interpretation of these graphs in both Geling and Tianxingguan: The first, represented by He Linyi, views shan 脠 as a loan graph for xuan < *gwên 懸 (to hang)24 because of their similar pronunciation.25 Fang Jianjun 方建軍 suggests it be translated as chen < *drin(s) 陳 (to set).26 A more broadly accepted suggestion, first made by Li Jiahao 李家浩 in 1998, views it as a loan graph for zhan < *dzrânʔ(s) or *dzrênʔ 棧; in Erya 爾雅, the word zhanzhong 棧鐘 is listed as a small set of chimes. Li Jiahao cited Yu Chang 于鬯 and Tang Lan 唐蘭 to suggest that the word zhan 棧 has the meaning of bian 編 (weaving or arranging) since zhan 棧 stands for the product in which wooden strips are arranged together. Thus, the phrase “small [bells] are called zhan” 小者謂之棧 in Erya also refers to chimes, or bianzhong 編鐘. The large number of chimes excavated in Tianxingguan as well as other Chu tombs, together with the widespread use of chimes in literature on ritual music, serve as evidence for this argument.27 However, in my view, the excavation of chimes or the application of chimes in ritual music does not necessarily prove that this character stands for the word zhan 棧 or bian 編.Zhong 鐘 (bell) rarely appears with a preceding adjective modifier, except for inscriptions on certain bells that identify the type of bell. Not until the Han dynasty are these sets of bells broadly named bianzhong 編鐘 (chimes or arranged bells). Even in the sentence “Large bells are called yong; medium bells are called piao; small bells are called zhan” 大鐘謂之鏞，其中謂之剽，小者謂之棧 in Erya, zhanzhong 棧鐘 does not appear as one complete word. Xing Bing 邢昺 (ca. 932–1010 CE), a commentator of Erya, explains how these three names are related to the bell sizes: yong refers to a deep and long tone; piao refers to lightness and rapidity; and zhan can be read as qian 淺, or shallow. Whether Xing Bing’s explanation is completely reliable or not, considering the parallel structure of these three phrases, the name zhan should be related to the bell size rather than as implying the arrangement of the bells. Otherwise, this depiction of different sizes would be meaningless.In early texts, when zhong 鐘 forms compound words with another morpheme, in addition to coordinated pairs of nouns such as zhonggu 鐘鼓 (bell and drum), zhong often appears as the object of a preceding verb that depicts an action performed on the bell. These actions include ming zhong 鳴鐘 (to ring the bell), chen zhong 陳鐘 (to set the bell), and kou zhong 叩鐘 (to strike a bell). The word xuan zhong 懸鐘 (to hang a bell) suggested by He Linyi also appears frequently in early literature. He argues that xuan 懸 and might be interchangeable because the pronunciation of xuan < *gwên 懸 and qian < *dzên 前, the phonetic component of , are similar. However, the same vowel and ending does not necessarily prove the interchangeability. The initials of xuan 懸 and qian 前 are not close enough to claim the similarity.Therefore, it is necessary to look for another possible interpretation of the word for which this graph stands. In a new interpretation of the graph, the word X zhong 鐘 should not be taken as a proper noun. It is very likely a modifier-noun structure in which the modifier possesses the feature of both a verb and an adjective, or a stative verb to modify nouns.28I suggest that does not refer to the physical arrangement. Instead, it should be read as yan 延 as well, meaning “to melodize,” or to endow the bells with melody; in other words, to play bells in a particular sequence to produce a melody. My reasons for this are as follows. First, the early pronunciations of the phonetic component qian < *dzên 前 and yan < *lan 延 have similar vowels and are classified in the same rhyme group. Their initials are pronounced in similar positions in the mouth as well, which implies that they are likely to be interchangeable in terms of similar pronunciation. Second, the word yan 延 was often used as a verb in early literature, meaning to lengthen, to move something forward, and to stretch.29 In addition, this reading better fits the significs 廴, 辶, and 彳 of the various character forms. All three components are related to walking or extending, thereby emphasizing actions, movement, and dynamic characteristics. If we interpret the word as a type of static physical arrangement, the three semantic components would make less sense.How should we understand qian zhong 鎆鐘 in the Tianxingguan manuscripts, or the related word qian zhong 前鐘 in the Xinyang 信陽 Chu manuscripts?30 I tend to view these two words as modifier-noun structures, in which qian 鎆 and qian 前 (also read as yan 延), function as a modifier. The whole phrase can be read as “melodic bells,” or bells endowed with melody.Melodic bells, according to studies on the development of Chu music, are more “advanced” bells than earlier bells that only played the role of bass accompaniment. The “advancement” is reflected from two perspectives, including chronology and ritual rank. Excavated instruments from the fourteenth to third century BCE prove that earlier chimes consisted of too few bells to form the melody by themselves, thus they might play non-melodical roles in ensembles. Overtime, chimes found in larger tombs demonstrated denser tone rows, while their music scales were not as complete as those of string and wind instruments. The phrase “With metal (bells) and stone (lithophones), [the music] is activated; with silk (zithers) and bamboo (flutes), it is moved” 金石以動之絲竹以行之 in Guoyu 國語 illustrates different functions between two categories of musical instrument. The word “move” implies that zithers and flutes form a flowing or marching melody in music. Comparatively, the word “activate” implies bells and lithophones might provide a “motive” in music. This function might be comparable to a bass accompaniment or a shorter motif as a segment marker. Either of them was melodically reduced in musical ensembles.31 Lothar von Falkenhausen examines transmitted early texts to prove that bells were viewed as percussion instruments akin to drums; rather than playing melodies, their main function may have been to signal the beginning, the internal subdivisions, and the end of musical pieces. Then, however, he analyzes tone distributions on a number of bell-chimes dating from the thirteenth to the fourth century BCE to trace the transformation of percussion-like instruments into melodic instruments.32 Despite scarce textual evidence, archeological finds indicate this transformation. Tone measurement on excavated musical instruments has demonstrated that earlier chimes hardly performed a melodic function. By contrast, some larger chimes excavated from some Chu tombs from the late Spring and Autumn period to the late Warring States period feature expanded pitch-ranges, more compressed series of notes, and more complex tone scales. These characteristics enabled them to play a melody and even modulate. For example, tone measurement conducted on the bells from the Zeng Hou Yi 曾侯乙 and Tianxingguan 天星觀 tombs has demonstrated that larger chimes from more developed periods are able to play pitches even on a full seven-tone scale, suggesting a certain function of melodic performance.33This melodic function appears to be a newer feature, and it must be inseparable from the large physical scale of chimes. Obviously, the scale of chime-bells was required to be larger to contain more notes for the melody; thus, they would have been costly to produce and would have occupied a larger space. For the ritual participants, this implies the high rank of ritual and music as well as the high status of the user. Based on the excavated musical instruments from other Chu tombs, bells – especially those able to provide a melody – are only found in tombs occupied by persons of high social status, such as lords or senior officials. By contrast, most of the small or medium-sized tombs possess only se 瑟 (plucked instrument), sheng 笙 (reed pipe wind), and gu 鼓 (drum) but no bells. For example, the Liuchengqiao 瀏城橋 Chu tomb from the 5th century BCE should be a tomb for a senior official, inferred from the structure of the coffins. This tomb contains some gu, se, sheng, and a horn, but no bells.34 Similarly, Xichuan 淅川 Chu tomb M2’s occupant was a member of the royal family, Prince Wu, a son of King Zhuang of Chu 楚莊王 (r. 614–591 BCE); the Wangsun Gao Zhong 王孫誥鐘 (Chimes produced by Prince Gao) was excavated from this tomb. In the Wangsun Gao Zhong, eighteen shanked bells (yongzhong 甬鐘) on the upper tier form a complex series of notes, which is compatible with pentatonic melodies in multi tonalities.35 Archeological evidence proves that melodic bells were connected with higher social rank.Thus, by indicating a more recently developed, large-scaled, high-cost instrument, the phrase yan zhong le 延鐘樂 (to entertain with melodic bells, or to endow the bells with melody and to entertain) matches the preceding phrase tailao kui 太牢饋 (presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox). It not only depicts a type of musical instrument, or an action performed on this instrument, but also implies the high rank of ritual.Notably, the word 樂 in this phrase should be read as le instead of yue, meaning to entertain the deceased recipient and/or the ritual participants. In this context, yan zhong was used in rituals to sacrifice to King Jingping, King Zhao, King Xianhui, Lord (Prince) Zixi, and Madam Wen, who were deceased members of the royal family. This indicates the potential role of the bell performance to entertain the ritual recipients. Bell performance could create a collective solemn atmosphere in which the audience was edified and integrated. As indicated in Zhouli 周禮 (The Rites of Zhou), music was used “to harmonize the states and nation, to integrate all the people, to settle the guests and visitors, and to delight the people faraway” 以和邦國以諧萬民以安賓客以說遠人.36 It delights the ritual participants in order to realize the function of integration. This coincides with other references to le 樂 in Eastern Zhou bell inscriptions of Chu, such as “to entertain the gentlemen” 以樂君子, “to entertain my father and brothers” 樂我父兄, and “to entertain the honored guests, father, brothers, and my peers and friends” 以樂嘉賓父兄及我朋友.37 Similarly, in other cases in the Geling manuscripts where the phrase le zhi 樂之 appears without the preceding phrase yan zhong 延鐘, such as le zhi 樂之 (甲三 56; 甲三 14), bai zhi gan le zhi 百之贛樂之 (乙四 128), le qie gan zhi 樂且贛之 (乙一 11; 零 331–1), and lezhi bai gan 樂之百贛 (乙二 1), le 樂 should also be translated as “to entertain.”5ConclusionBased on the above discussion, a tentative interpretation on three levels can be proposed for this character. First, on the graphic level, I conclude through an analysis of the components that there are four direct transcriptions of these ten graphs; namely, , , , and . Their interpretive transcriptions are , , , and , respectively. Second, I argue that these variations are graphic rather than lexical because (1) components’ differences are commensurable and (2) the structural types above are comparable to different scribal styles, making it unlikely that they stand for different words. The word for which they stand is yan 延. Notably, although I read the characters as yan 延, my argument differs from those that directly transcribe them as 延, 㢟, or 脠, but read them as standing for the words zhan 棧, xuan 懸, or bian 編.Finally, the word yan 延 is a verb with a similar meaning to xing 行 in the phrase “stringed and woodwind instruments extend it” 絲竹以行之, implying the endowment of melody. The phrase yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之 means to entertain the ritual recipient and/or participants with melodic bells, or to play bells in a particular sequence to produce a melody. This points to bells’ functional expansion from serving as bass accompaniment to carrying the melody, thereby implying a greater emphasis on the high rank of ritual. http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Bamboo and Silk Brill

Remarks on the Character Yan 延 in the Geling 葛陵 Chu Manuscripts

Feng (馮馳), Chi
Bamboo and Silk , Volume 6 (1): 21 – Mar 24, 2023
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Brill
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Copyright © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
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2468-9238
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2468-9246
DOI
10.1163/24689246-20230028
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Abstract

1IntroductionIn 1994, excavators found a significant number of accounts of divination and prayers written on bamboo slips from the Geling Chu tomb 葛陵楚墓, dated to the last years of the reign of King Dao of Chu 楚悼王 (r. 401–381 BCE). These slips feature a number of characters usually transcribed as yan 延 in published transcriptions, which tend to appear in the phrase, yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之.1 However, taking a closer look into the components of these characters reveals that they are not consistent in each instance, making this transcription problematic. In addition, even if we agree that they are equivalents of the modern character yan 延, a clear consensus on the meaning of this phrase has not been reached. Therefore, it is necessary to rethink these characters and the word(s) for which they stand. Do all these characters stand for the word yan 延, and do they even represent the same word? If they do, why have they been written differently? How many possibilities exist for translating the phrase yan zhong 延鐘, or yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之? Which of them makes more sense in their context? These are some questions we must consider.The phrase yan zhong 延鐘, preserved completely or not, appears ten times, usually followed by the phrase le zhi 樂之. These references are listed below, transcribed into modern standard orthography, with a translation for each sentence. In order to eliminate prejudice, I keep the punctuation marks on the slips, retain the original image of this problematic character in the transcription, and use an “X” to stand for it in English translation. After this examination, I will propose a tentative interpretation of the phrase in question to complete these English translations at the end of this essay.2(1) ⧄璧以禱大牢饋鐘樂之百之赣盬占之曰吉既告且⧄ (Geling 甲三 136)… jade. Prayed with the neng ritual and presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Played the drum.3 Danced.4 The divination official Gusheng prognosticated it saying, “Auspicious.” After informing, also …(2) ⧄饋鐘樂之⧄ (Geling 甲三 145)… presented. X zhong le zhi ….(3), (4) ⧄各大牢饋鐘樂之舉禱子西君文夫人各特牛饋鐘樂之定占之曰吉是月之⧄ (Geling 零 13; Geling 甲三 200)5… Each was presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Conducted the Ju prayer to the Prince Zixi and the Madam Wen. Each was presented a sacrificial ox.6 X zhong le zhi. The divination official Ding prognosticated it saying, “Auspicious.” That month, went …(5) ⧄竞平王大牢饋鐘樂之、迻夏⧄ (Geling 甲三 209)7… the Lord Jingping. Presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Removed the Xia …(6) ⧄瘥以其故敓之迻盬𪺞之祟𩞑祭昭王大牢鐘樂之郑⧄ (Geling 甲三 212; 199–3)8… recovered. Conducted an exorcism for this reason. Removed the curse of Yanxin. Sacrificed to King Zhao with the pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi. Zheng …(7) ⧄大牢饋鐘樂之 (Geling 甲三 261)… presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X zhong le zhi.(8) ⧄其故說之舉禱於昭王獻惠王各大牢饋⧄ (Geling 乙一 29; 30)… conducted an exorcism for this reason. Conducted the Ju prayer to King Zhao and King Xianhui. Respectively presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox. X (zhong le zhi) …(9) ⧄鐘樂之⧄ (Geling 乙三 63)… X zhong le zhi. …(10) ⧄鐘⧄ (Geling 零 8)… X zhong …In the cases above, this word forms a phrase with zhong 鐘, usually preceded by tailao kui 大牢饋 and followed by lezhi 樂之 and a punctuation mark. Although in (8) the characters after are missing, the phrase functions similarly as in (1)–(7) because of the preceding tailao kui 大牢饋. Therefore, I also consider (8) as an item in this list.2Categorization and ComponentsThese graphs can be divided into three types based on their components:Table 1Three formsThree formsGraphs of the first type contain two components: and . It is obvious that the former can be identified as zhi 止, a common component in early Chinese characters written with a curved horizontal stroke at the bottom and two inclined or slightly curved vertical strokes at the top, although the curvature differs in individual characters. The latter component looks very similar to yin 廴, as it is often transcribed. However, according to other graphs with the component 廴, does not appear to be a typical form. There are few examples of this component in Chu manuscripts. According to other sources including oracle bone inscriptions, bronze inscriptions, and Qin manuscripts, the component 廴 usually contains two or three strokes ( or ). In only a few cases is there an additional stroke on top ();9 the graphs in the first category even have one more stroke than this. However, also in the Geling manuscripts, there is another “typical” graph, (甲三 268), as in “arrive at the River Jiang, Han, Ju, Zhang, and then proceed to the River Huai” 及江漢沮漳延至於淮. The yan 延 or chan 㢟 here functions as an adverb, and it is written in a way similar to this word in other resources where it functions as an adverb as well.10 Does the additional set of strokes in indicate a lexical variation between in this category and yan 延 in the phrase yan zhi yu 延至於? We may look for answers to this in other graphs on this table before we go back to this question.Graphs of type II and type III contain three components. The upper right part is also a zhi 止. The left part of II-1 is a typical chi 彳, and for II-2 and II-3 there is a typical 廴 written as without additional strokes. For type III, the combination of 彳 and 止 is usually transcribed as 辵 or 辶. The components 彳, 辶, and 廴 are often interchangeable.The lower part is the most controversial. In Xincai Geling Chu mu 新蔡葛陵楚墓, all five characters are transcribed as shan 脠. He Linyi 何琳儀 argues that this component stands for rou 肉 “meat.” However, he does not explain the variation in these graphs, and the only source he cites is Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, which defines shan 脠 as “raw meat paste, with rou as signific and yan 延 as phonetic” 生肉酱也从肉延聲.11 However, 脠 in our context is not likely to stand for raw meat paste. Given this transcription, the only way to interpret the meaning of the phrase is to decipher it as a loan graph with a similar pronunciation. But there are other interpretations. Xu Zaiguo 徐在國 generally agrees with He’s transcription, while Song Huaqiang 宋華強 considers the lower part of II-1 and II-2 to represent yue 月 rather than rou 肉. Furthermore, both notice an important variation in II-3. They identify the lower part of II-3 as tian 㐁 and argue that it serves a phonetic function.12 Zhang Xinjun 張新俊 also agrees that this component is tian 㐁, but does not consider it a phonetic component.13According to Zhang Xinjun, the transcription tian 㐁 is based on reconstructing the missing part of as . I agree that the upper part should be zhi 止, since the upper part of slip 乙三 63 is missing. As Zhang proposes, however, in other characters tian 㐁 is written with a closed outer frame. This shows that component is not tian 㐁. However, I believe the lower part should be completed as instead of since we can notice a vertical ink trace in the middle. As such, this component comes close to some forms of zhou 舟 in Chu manuscripts and other Warring States period manuscripts:(𣑮) (Guxi huibian 古璽彙編 2407)(舟) (Geling 甲三 321)(舟) (Baoshan 157)(歬) (Baoshan 122)He Linyi points out, “In bronze inscriptions, zhou 舟 is written as . Warring States writing is similar to the bronze inscriptions, … while sometimes the curved stroke loops around 或弧筆上環 as , , etc.”14 The component accords with this description.Moreover, there are some cases where 舟 is written similarly with 月. In contrast to the typical 舟 (/) in Chu manuscripts, sometimes the outer frame is connected into one curved stroke as 月:(歬) (Xinyang 信陽 2.18)() (Guxi huibian 古璽彙編 2007)(歬) (*Xi zhe jun lao 昔者君老 1)Therefore, all of the lower parts in types II and III are consistent: they are all variants of zhou 舟. Then, if we identify the lower parts as zhou 舟, there are more cases with similar layout where zhou 舟 is written below zhi 止, forming qian 歬 in direct transcription.As for the phonetic component of these graphs, Song Huaqiang argues that for II-1, II-2 and III, 月 and 止 form a graph qian 歬 or qian 前 to explain the pronunciation of the character. Based on Qiu Xigui 裘錫圭 and Liu Zhao’s 劉釗 explanation that certain parts of ideographic characters can be repurposed as phonetic components,15 Song suggests that this phenomenon belongs to the “differentiation” 分化 (fenhua) of phonetic components. However, since he identifies the lower part of II-3 as tian 㐁, he hesitates to extend this application to II-3. In fact, based on the discussion above, qian 歬 or qian 前 is also the phonetic component of II-3.There are many other similar graphs or graphs with comparable components in other Chu manuscripts. For example, in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi 戰國古文字聲系, (Baoshan 2.185) and (Baoshan 2.193) are transcribed as , while in Chuxi jianbo wenzi bian 楚系簡帛文字編, they are transcribed as ,16 and (Ejun chejie 鄂君車節) in turn, is transcribed as in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi. All these transcriptions are based on the notion that the lower parts stand for zhou 舟; moreover, transcriptions with qian 歬 in Zhanguo guwenzi shengxi are direct transcriptions, while those with qian 前 in Chuxi jianbo wenzi bian are interpretive transcriptions.173Transcription and Scribal StylesBased on the discussion above as well as the similarity between these graphs in the Geling and other Chu manuscripts, the Geling graphs should also be transcribed similarly. In sum, the three types of graphs can be transcribed as follows:Table 2Direct and interpretive transcriptionsDirect and interpretive transcriptionsa Forms in parenthesis will be explained later in this sectionThese three graph types demonstrate common features as well as differences. Do these differences, then, indicate only graphic variation or lexical variation? I tend to view them as indicating graphic variation for two main reasons:(1) The components’ differences are commensurable. First, in Chu manuscripts, 辶, 彳 are often interchangeable with 廴, which can be seen in writings of dao 道, fu 復, jian 建, etc. Second, all of these graphs contain a lower component in addition to the upper chan 㢟. The additional lower two strokes of type I are indicators of a change of meaning, and thus written to show that this word is different from the adverb yan 延. They act as a loan for zhou 舟 in the other cases. Chen Wei 陳偉 and Yang Hua 楊華 agree that some of these graphs (namely, type III) stand for or , but they do not elaborate on whether they are composed of zhou 舟 or yue 月. Moreover, they hesitate to apply this conclusion to all graphs in types II and III. They consider the lower yue 月 as a separate component; thus, this separate component is omitted in type I.18 Compared to other common forms of qian 歬 or qian 前 in Chu manuscripts with two additional strokes between zhi 止 and the lower yue 月 (e.g. [Guodian 郭店 Laozi 老子 甲 4], [Xizhe junlao 昔者君老 1], [Xizhe junlao 1]),19 type I omits yue 月 while keeping the distinguishing strokes ();20 types II-1 and II-2 omit the two strokes over yue 月 while keeping the yue 月 (/); type II-3 uses another variation of zhou 舟 (); type III keeps one distinguishing stroke in the middle as well as the lower part of zhou 舟, which forms yue 月 (). Additionally, none of these presents a decorative stroke in the upper left corner, and the two additional strokes in type I indicate a lexical variation from yan 延 as an adverb.(2) The structural types above coincide with different scribal styles, likely indicating different norms of writing related to different scribal hands. The table below lists cropped images of the bamboo slips in which the three types of graphs appear, as well as graphic variations of other words:21Table 3Correlation Graphic Form and Scribal StyleCorrelation Graphic Form and Scribal StyleIn this table, slips in which type I appears to demonstrate a relatively consistent scribal style. In terms of overall arrangement, every character stretches to fill the width of the slip. Furthermore, if we put a quadrangle around each character, we can observe the vertical axis of each character leans slightly to the left. Style I can be further divided into styles I-1 and I-2. In I-1, characters with more horizontal strokes are written in a taller shape (lao 牢, kui 饋, zhong 鍾) while those with fewer horizontal strokes are written in a flatter shape (da 大, le 樂, zhi 之). In I-2, the length-width ratio of characters is relatively consistent throughout the slip. The two styles demonstrate different features of handling the brush as well. In slips of type I-1, characters are written with a medium speed; the beginnings of strokes usually form a round ink point, the ends are usually slender, and curved strokes form moderate arcs. In slips of type I-2, characters are written with a faster speed; the beginnings have sharper corners and strokes end quickly, forming sharper tails, and curved strokes are straighter.As mentioned above, type II has three structural types. In this table, the scribal style also demonstrates three types. Apart from slip II-1, which is seriously damaged, II-2’s characters are taller, thinner, and arranged in a sparser way; meanwhile, characters in slip II-3 are closer to squares. However, compared to scribal style I, we can find common features in style II where the axial alignment of individual characters is neutral, strokes are written with a slower speed featuring consistent thickness in beginnings and ends, and characters demonstrate more decorative features than style I.The scribal style of the two slips in which appears is identical, which implies that the two slips were highly likely written by the same scribal hand. Characters in scribal style III are generally larger with a higher length-width ratio and smaller spaces between individual characters. Longer strokes are written with lower speed, while shorter strokes are written faster. Curved strokes are exaggerated, demonstrating a higher level of delicacy. Furthermore, other characters demonstrate graphic differences from those in type I as well. For example, the graphs standing for the word lao 牢 appear in a simpler form; the lower left strokes of kui 饋 are less curved while the lower right points appear more to the left; finally, the right point of zhi 之 is almost vertical rather than slightly leaning to the right as in styles I and II.The table above illustrates the classification consistency of the three scribal styles and three structural types of the characters under investigation, suggesting that the differences in structure are due to individual training or habit. Therefore, it is likely that these graphs stand for the same word. The interpretive transcription for the three types should be , , and respectively. Notably, although types I and III have different direct transcriptions, they share the same interpretive transcription which combines 前 and 廴. I select the form as a standard form for the following argument while considering the other as graphic variants.22 The following section will examine its pronunciation and discuss the reading of .4Reading and InterpretationSimilar graphs in a similar phrase can be observed in the Tianxingguan 天星觀 Chu manuscripts (, Tianxingguan 123),23 transcribed as qian 鎆. There are two different views regarding the interpretation of these graphs in both Geling and Tianxingguan: The first, represented by He Linyi, views shan 脠 as a loan graph for xuan < *gwên 懸 (to hang)24 because of their similar pronunciation.25 Fang Jianjun 方建軍 suggests it be translated as chen < *drin(s) 陳 (to set).26 A more broadly accepted suggestion, first made by Li Jiahao 李家浩 in 1998, views it as a loan graph for zhan < *dzrânʔ(s) or *dzrênʔ 棧; in Erya 爾雅, the word zhanzhong 棧鐘 is listed as a small set of chimes. Li Jiahao cited Yu Chang 于鬯 and Tang Lan 唐蘭 to suggest that the word zhan 棧 has the meaning of bian 編 (weaving or arranging) since zhan 棧 stands for the product in which wooden strips are arranged together. Thus, the phrase “small [bells] are called zhan” 小者謂之棧 in Erya also refers to chimes, or bianzhong 編鐘. The large number of chimes excavated in Tianxingguan as well as other Chu tombs, together with the widespread use of chimes in literature on ritual music, serve as evidence for this argument.27 However, in my view, the excavation of chimes or the application of chimes in ritual music does not necessarily prove that this character stands for the word zhan 棧 or bian 編.Zhong 鐘 (bell) rarely appears with a preceding adjective modifier, except for inscriptions on certain bells that identify the type of bell. Not until the Han dynasty are these sets of bells broadly named bianzhong 編鐘 (chimes or arranged bells). Even in the sentence “Large bells are called yong; medium bells are called piao; small bells are called zhan” 大鐘謂之鏞，其中謂之剽，小者謂之棧 in Erya, zhanzhong 棧鐘 does not appear as one complete word. Xing Bing 邢昺 (ca. 932–1010 CE), a commentator of Erya, explains how these three names are related to the bell sizes: yong refers to a deep and long tone; piao refers to lightness and rapidity; and zhan can be read as qian 淺, or shallow. Whether Xing Bing’s explanation is completely reliable or not, considering the parallel structure of these three phrases, the name zhan should be related to the bell size rather than as implying the arrangement of the bells. Otherwise, this depiction of different sizes would be meaningless.In early texts, when zhong 鐘 forms compound words with another morpheme, in addition to coordinated pairs of nouns such as zhonggu 鐘鼓 (bell and drum), zhong often appears as the object of a preceding verb that depicts an action performed on the bell. These actions include ming zhong 鳴鐘 (to ring the bell), chen zhong 陳鐘 (to set the bell), and kou zhong 叩鐘 (to strike a bell). The word xuan zhong 懸鐘 (to hang a bell) suggested by He Linyi also appears frequently in early literature. He argues that xuan 懸 and might be interchangeable because the pronunciation of xuan < *gwên 懸 and qian < *dzên 前, the phonetic component of , are similar. However, the same vowel and ending does not necessarily prove the interchangeability. The initials of xuan 懸 and qian 前 are not close enough to claim the similarity.Therefore, it is necessary to look for another possible interpretation of the word for which this graph stands. In a new interpretation of the graph, the word X zhong 鐘 should not be taken as a proper noun. It is very likely a modifier-noun structure in which the modifier possesses the feature of both a verb and an adjective, or a stative verb to modify nouns.28I suggest that does not refer to the physical arrangement. Instead, it should be read as yan 延 as well, meaning “to melodize,” or to endow the bells with melody; in other words, to play bells in a particular sequence to produce a melody. My reasons for this are as follows. First, the early pronunciations of the phonetic component qian < *dzên 前 and yan < *lan 延 have similar vowels and are classified in the same rhyme group. Their initials are pronounced in similar positions in the mouth as well, which implies that they are likely to be interchangeable in terms of similar pronunciation. Second, the word yan 延 was often used as a verb in early literature, meaning to lengthen, to move something forward, and to stretch.29 In addition, this reading better fits the significs 廴, 辶, and 彳 of the various character forms. All three components are related to walking or extending, thereby emphasizing actions, movement, and dynamic characteristics. If we interpret the word as a type of static physical arrangement, the three semantic components would make less sense.How should we understand qian zhong 鎆鐘 in the Tianxingguan manuscripts, or the related word qian zhong 前鐘 in the Xinyang 信陽 Chu manuscripts?30 I tend to view these two words as modifier-noun structures, in which qian 鎆 and qian 前 (also read as yan 延), function as a modifier. The whole phrase can be read as “melodic bells,” or bells endowed with melody.Melodic bells, according to studies on the development of Chu music, are more “advanced” bells than earlier bells that only played the role of bass accompaniment. The “advancement” is reflected from two perspectives, including chronology and ritual rank. Excavated instruments from the fourteenth to third century BCE prove that earlier chimes consisted of too few bells to form the melody by themselves, thus they might play non-melodical roles in ensembles. Overtime, chimes found in larger tombs demonstrated denser tone rows, while their music scales were not as complete as those of string and wind instruments. The phrase “With metal (bells) and stone (lithophones), [the music] is activated; with silk (zithers) and bamboo (flutes), it is moved” 金石以動之絲竹以行之 in Guoyu 國語 illustrates different functions between two categories of musical instrument. The word “move” implies that zithers and flutes form a flowing or marching melody in music. Comparatively, the word “activate” implies bells and lithophones might provide a “motive” in music. This function might be comparable to a bass accompaniment or a shorter motif as a segment marker. Either of them was melodically reduced in musical ensembles.31 Lothar von Falkenhausen examines transmitted early texts to prove that bells were viewed as percussion instruments akin to drums; rather than playing melodies, their main function may have been to signal the beginning, the internal subdivisions, and the end of musical pieces. Then, however, he analyzes tone distributions on a number of bell-chimes dating from the thirteenth to the fourth century BCE to trace the transformation of percussion-like instruments into melodic instruments.32 Despite scarce textual evidence, archeological finds indicate this transformation. Tone measurement on excavated musical instruments has demonstrated that earlier chimes hardly performed a melodic function. By contrast, some larger chimes excavated from some Chu tombs from the late Spring and Autumn period to the late Warring States period feature expanded pitch-ranges, more compressed series of notes, and more complex tone scales. These characteristics enabled them to play a melody and even modulate. For example, tone measurement conducted on the bells from the Zeng Hou Yi 曾侯乙 and Tianxingguan 天星觀 tombs has demonstrated that larger chimes from more developed periods are able to play pitches even on a full seven-tone scale, suggesting a certain function of melodic performance.33This melodic function appears to be a newer feature, and it must be inseparable from the large physical scale of chimes. Obviously, the scale of chime-bells was required to be larger to contain more notes for the melody; thus, they would have been costly to produce and would have occupied a larger space. For the ritual participants, this implies the high rank of ritual and music as well as the high status of the user. Based on the excavated musical instruments from other Chu tombs, bells – especially those able to provide a melody – are only found in tombs occupied by persons of high social status, such as lords or senior officials. By contrast, most of the small or medium-sized tombs possess only se 瑟 (plucked instrument), sheng 笙 (reed pipe wind), and gu 鼓 (drum) but no bells. For example, the Liuchengqiao 瀏城橋 Chu tomb from the 5th century BCE should be a tomb for a senior official, inferred from the structure of the coffins. This tomb contains some gu, se, sheng, and a horn, but no bells.34 Similarly, Xichuan 淅川 Chu tomb M2’s occupant was a member of the royal family, Prince Wu, a son of King Zhuang of Chu 楚莊王 (r. 614–591 BCE); the Wangsun Gao Zhong 王孫誥鐘 (Chimes produced by Prince Gao) was excavated from this tomb. In the Wangsun Gao Zhong, eighteen shanked bells (yongzhong 甬鐘) on the upper tier form a complex series of notes, which is compatible with pentatonic melodies in multi tonalities.35 Archeological evidence proves that melodic bells were connected with higher social rank.Thus, by indicating a more recently developed, large-scaled, high-cost instrument, the phrase yan zhong le 延鐘樂 (to entertain with melodic bells, or to endow the bells with melody and to entertain) matches the preceding phrase tailao kui 太牢饋 (presented the sacrifice of pig, sheep, and ox). It not only depicts a type of musical instrument, or an action performed on this instrument, but also implies the high rank of ritual.Notably, the word 樂 in this phrase should be read as le instead of yue, meaning to entertain the deceased recipient and/or the ritual participants. In this context, yan zhong was used in rituals to sacrifice to King Jingping, King Zhao, King Xianhui, Lord (Prince) Zixi, and Madam Wen, who were deceased members of the royal family. This indicates the potential role of the bell performance to entertain the ritual recipients. Bell performance could create a collective solemn atmosphere in which the audience was edified and integrated. As indicated in Zhouli 周禮 (The Rites of Zhou), music was used “to harmonize the states and nation, to integrate all the people, to settle the guests and visitors, and to delight the people faraway” 以和邦國以諧萬民以安賓客以說遠人.36 It delights the ritual participants in order to realize the function of integration. This coincides with other references to le 樂 in Eastern Zhou bell inscriptions of Chu, such as “to entertain the gentlemen” 以樂君子, “to entertain my father and brothers” 樂我父兄, and “to entertain the honored guests, father, brothers, and my peers and friends” 以樂嘉賓父兄及我朋友.37 Similarly, in other cases in the Geling manuscripts where the phrase le zhi 樂之 appears without the preceding phrase yan zhong 延鐘, such as le zhi 樂之 (甲三 56; 甲三 14), bai zhi gan le zhi 百之贛樂之 (乙四 128), le qie gan zhi 樂且贛之 (乙一 11; 零 331–1), and lezhi bai gan 樂之百贛 (乙二 1), le 樂 should also be translated as “to entertain.”5ConclusionBased on the above discussion, a tentative interpretation on three levels can be proposed for this character. First, on the graphic level, I conclude through an analysis of the components that there are four direct transcriptions of these ten graphs; namely, , , , and . Their interpretive transcriptions are , , , and , respectively. Second, I argue that these variations are graphic rather than lexical because (1) components’ differences are commensurable and (2) the structural types above are comparable to different scribal styles, making it unlikely that they stand for different words. The word for which they stand is yan 延. Notably, although I read the characters as yan 延, my argument differs from those that directly transcribe them as 延, 㢟, or 脠, but read them as standing for the words zhan 棧, xuan 懸, or bian 編.Finally, the word yan 延 is a verb with a similar meaning to xing 行 in the phrase “stringed and woodwind instruments extend it” 絲竹以行之, implying the endowment of melody. The phrase yan zhong le zhi 延鐘樂之 means to entertain the ritual recipient and/or participants with melodic bells, or to play bells in a particular sequence to produce a melody. This points to bells’ functional expansion from serving as bass accompaniment to carrying the melody, thereby implying a greater emphasis on the high rank of ritual.

Journal

Bamboo and Silk – Brill

Published: Mar 24, 2023

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