Get 20M+ Full-Text Papers For Less Than $1.50/day. Subscribe now for You or Your Team.

Learn More →

Revisiting the Role of Neighbourhood Change in Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Older People

Revisiting the Role of Neighbourhood Change in Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Older People Hindawi Publishing Corporation Journal of Aging Research Volume 2012, Article ID 148287, 12 pages doi:10.1155/2012/148287 Research Article Revisiting the Role of Neighbourhood Change in Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Older People 1, 2 1, 2, 3 4 Victoria F. Burns, Jean-Pierre Lavoie, and Damaris Rose Centre de Recherche et d’Expertise en Gerontologie Sociale (CREGES), C.S.S.S. Cavendish, 5800 Cavendish Boulevard, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H4W 2T5 School of Social Work, McGill University, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H3A 2A7 Ecole de Travail social, Universit´eduQu´ebec aM ` ontr´eal, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H2L 4Y2 Centre Urbanisation Culture Soci´et´e, Universit´e INRS, 385 Rue Sherbrooke Est, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H2X 1E3 Correspondence should be addressed to Victoria F. Burns, victoria.burns@mail.mcgill.ca Received 13 May 2011; Accepted 18 July 2011 Academic Editor: Frank Oswald Copyright © 2012 Victoria F. Burns et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Objective. To explore how older people who are “aging in place” are affected when the urban neighbourhoods in which they are aging are themselves undergoing socioeconomic and demographic change. Methods. A qualitative case study was conducted in two contrasting neighbourhoods in Montreal ´ (Quebec, ´ Canada), the analysis drawing on concepts of social exclusion and attachment. Results. Participants express variable levels of attachment to neighbourhood. Gentrification triggered processes of social exclusion among older adults: loss of social spaces dedicated to older people led to social disconnectedness, invisibility, and loss of political influence on neighbourhood planning. Conversely, certain changes in a disadvantaged neighbourhood fostered their social inclusion. Conclusion. This study thus highlights the importance of examining the impacts of neighbourhood change when exploring the dynamics of aging in place and when considering interventions to maintain quality of life of those concerned. 1. Introduction less likely to be involved in employment and have greater chance of becoming physically dependent [11]. Despite the A number of researchers have suggested that with advancing growing body of aging-in-place research, social gerontology, age, a person’s geographical area tends to become increas- hampered by static “environmental fit” models [12] has paid ingly limited in space [1–6]. Research that has explored the relatively little attention to the changes taking place in the question of the meaning of place in different groups indicates neighbourhoods within which older people are aging and that proximity of neighbours has a greater importance in to how they experience these changes (submit to? actively the lives of older residents [7]. The neighbourhood is more participate in?...). It has been largely up to researchers in significant for older people and the disadvantaged than the geographies of aging to demonstrate the importance for the younger and more affluent, who tend to develop of neighbourhood change. Moreover, the social gerontology social networks more diffuse in space [8, 9]. (Following literature on aging in place and on the role of place in aging current conventions, we use the terms “older person” and in old urban neighbourhoods—including a notable recent “older adult” in reference to people aged 65 years and over.) UK-Canadian comparison [13]—still focuses predominantly Moreover, the neighbourhood and the “home” become key on neighbourhoods experiencing observable physical decline elements in social life—social relations gradually become or mounting criminality. The latter could have negative limited to people who live nearby—and also in defining impacts on older people’s comfort level in their homes or on one’s sense of self, because the neighbourhood provides a their ability to appropriate and navigate local public spaces number of identity markers [10]. Olderpeopletendtobe [14, 15]. This focus is not surprising given that living in more reliant on their immediate environment as they are neighbourhoods of “multiple deprivation” can potentially 2 Journal of Aging Research reinforce the social exclusion of older people. However, it how neighbourhood revitalization may generate among is also important to uncover possible dynamics of social older adults a sense of being out of place to the point exclusion of older people who find themselves living amidst that they are reluctant to venture out of their house [3]. growing affluence where they experience forms of place In contrast, little attention has been paid to the potentially reshaping largely beyond their control, as in the case of positive experiences of some older people in contexts of neighbourhoods undergoing gentrification [16]. gentrification [28]. For instance, with gentrification comes Gentrification is simultaneously a physical, economic, an increase in real estate assets and it may give a greater social, and cultural phenomenon classically defined in the sense of security due to increased numbers of people on local literature as involving the “invasion” of previously working- shopping streets, improved public facilities and services, and class neighbourhoods by middle or upper-income groups more opportunities to meet people. For these reasons, we and the subsequent displacement of many of the original decided to launch a study to explore older adults’ perceptions residents [17]. (The use of the term “invasion” intentionally of gentrification and to determine its effects on both their evokes the notion of invasion and succession developed social exclusion and inclusion. Drawing on concepts of social by the Chicago School of urban sociology.) Debates and exclusion, direct and indirect displacement, and attachment, empirical research surrounding this topic now amount to this paper addresses how older people experience change in a vast body of scholarship in urban geography and cognate two contrasting neighbourhoods in Montreal, ´ Canada: (1) fields; indeed, gentrification is often seen as the most La Petite-Patrie, a rapidly gentrifying neighbourhood and important type of urban change across the global North over (2) Lower Notre-Dame-de-Grac ˆ e (NDG), a disadvantaged the past three decades [18]. This process involves a change in neighbourhood. This study forms part of a larger qualitative population characteristics with the arrival of younger, better research project aiming to better understand the ways in educated people with higher incomes, a significant increase which gentrification can contribute to the dynamics of in the cost of housing (including house values, rents, prop- social exclusion and inclusion of older people. As well as erty taxes), particular styles of commercial revitalization, the Montreal ´ study areas, the research has an international increased traffic on neighbourhood commercial streets, and comparative dimension embracing two neighbourhoods in finally, displacement of former residents to more affordable Toulouse, France (Minimes and Marengo). (A comparison neighbourhoods. including the two French neighbourhoods is beyond the Over the past 15 years or so, the forms taken by scope of this paper.) The aims of this study were to answer gentrification have diversified [19]. While private-sector the following questions. actors (e.g., home renovators, landlords) still cause displace- (1) What place does the neighbourhood have in the ment, core city municipalities of large metropolitan areas everyday lives of older residents? (What places do are increasingly courting, even orchestrating gentrification. they frequent? Where are their social networks situ- For example, they may facilitate new housing construction ated? What neighbourhood resources and services do and the rebranding of neighbourhood commercial arteries they use?) [20, 21] so as to relaunch local economies, resolve fiscal (2) What neighbourhood changes do older residents crunches, and attract young and urbane singles and/or notice? families, such that in some cases the long-standing trend for demographic aging of the innercity has been dramatically (3) How do neighbourhood changes affect older resi- reversed. Consequently, scholarly debates are increasingly dents’ experiences of social exclusion/inclusion? seeking to conceptualize and shed light on the various forms of “indirect” displacement that may be created when 2. Theoretical Framework an existing population is not literally forced out of an area—because they live in social housing or are otherwise 2.1. Social Exclusion. This research project is framed pri- protected from displacement in the literal sense—but their marily by a conceptualization of the dynamics of social local cultures and narratives of place, their access to familiar exclusion [29]. Social exclusion originated as a sociological services, or their channels of local political representation concept, emerging from European policy circles, especially are disrupted by the influx of younger, more educated in the 1990s [30, 31] extending into gerontological research and wealthier newcomers [22–25]. A complementary insight and public policy debates, especially within the context from the social determinants of health literature [26]is of the United Kingdom [14, 15, 32–34]. More recently, that discrepancies between personal income (low) and Billette and Lavoie [29] define social exclusion as a process neighbourhood status (high) can be associated with poor of nonacknowledgement and deprivation of rights and health, especially for older people. These trends create a resources of certain segments of the population (in this case, need to deepen our understandings of how gentrification can older adults) that takes the shape of power dynamics between affect older people. groups with divergent visions and interests. Such processes Empirical work on its indirect negative effects on older result in inequities and lead eventually to isolation from people is as yet very sparse, but with a few insightful society in seven dimensions: (1) symbolic exclusion (negative exceptions, such as that of Lehman-Frisch [27] alluding images, overrepresentations, and invisibility); (2) identity to commercial gentrification’s culturally and economically exclusionary impact on long-term older adult residents of exclusion (multiple identities are dismissed and a person’s San Francisco and findings from Toulouse, France showing identity is reduced to belonging to one singular group, Journal of Aging Research 3 for example, “old”, “frail”, “burdensome”); (3) sociopo- not only from everyday social exchanges and relationships litical exclusion (barriers to civic/political participation); but also from a sense of being well known and knowing oth- (4) institutional exclusion (reduced access to services); ers. Third, autobiographical insideness has been suggested to (5) economic exclusion (lack of financial resources); (6) be the most relevant to describe older people’s attachment exclusion of significant social ties (absence/loss of social to place because it is embedded in memories. As we age, network); (7) territorial exclusion (reduced geographic living these memories are recalled selectively in the creation of area, unsafe neighbourhood). Billette and Lavoie’s definition one’s identity. Older people with strong ties to place are also puts forth two essential characteristics of social exclusion. reported to feel more in control, more secure and to have First, it is a dynamic, fluid process rather than a static a positive sense of self. Attachment to place has also been state. Second, since it is a multidimensional concept, it studied by Rubinstein and Parmelee [40] and more recently allows for a rich understanding of how social exclusion by Sugihara and Evans [44] who make the link between can be experienced across many facets of a person or older people’s attachment to their dwelling, maintaining population’s life. For instance, in relation to gentrification, a positive self-image and maintaining their independence. increases in rents and the changing commercial landscape Overall, in the past 30 years the study of attachment to place may put financial strain on older people, especially those has captured the attention of scholars from geographical, with modest incomes (economic exclusion). Older adults gerontological, and environmental psychology perspectives could also lose their political influence in relation to social [6, 37, 39, 45, 46], yet to date little has been written on what planning (sociopolitical exclusion). The arrival of younger, occurs when older people, who are aging in place, experience more educated populations can reinforce certain stereotypes a neighbourhood that is itself undergoing change [14]. of older people, such as “slow”; “nosy”; “busy-bodies” of the neighbourhood (symbolic exclusion). Leaving a familiar 3. Methods neighbourhood or having friends and neighbours move away can also lead to social network exclusion. The dimension 3.1. Study Design and Sample. We situated our research in of territorial exclusion is of particular interest because an explorative, qualitative case study design [47], cases being neighbourhood change involving gentrification could lead the changing neighbourhood, the unit of analysis being to feelings of insecurity as familiar institutions disappear the older person’s personal experience of neighbourhood and the public spaces of everyday life take on a new change. Case study methodology is suitable for studying look and “feel.” Territorial exclusion also shares dimensions complex and multifaceted social phenomena embedded in with the useful geographic concepts of direct displacement specific contexts [48]. Our overarching research question (physically forced out of one’s neighbourhood) and indirect is concerned with how older adults experience different displacement, as described above. types of neighbourhood change, especially those involving gentrification. Exploring this complex issue necessitates recourse to multiple sources of evidence (e.g., document 2.2. Attachment to Place. The concept of attachment is analysis, interviews with older people, and key informants), central to understanding how urban change can affect which is typical of case study methodology in the social older adults. An individual’s level of attachment to their environment will have a direct impact on how changes are sciences. For the Montreal component of the research, we selected two inner-city neighbourhoods (see descriptions experienced and perceived. This is especially the case for older people because, as mentioned above, the immediate below) where local community stakeholders were concerned environment becomes more important with age [8, 9]. about current or impending gentrification and how it could Older people develop a sense of self-attachment, personal affect older people. Following a complete ethics review identity, and social differentiation through the relationship process by two university ethics boards (covering informed they construct and maintain with daily, “ordinary” spaces consent, confidentiality, respect, risks, and benefits, etc.), [35]. Therefore, understanding older people’s attachment to we conducted 30 semistructured face-to-face interviews with place becomes a crucial element to understanding how they autonomous and mobile older adults aged from 68 to 95 experience neighbourhood change. years. All of our participants had lived in one of the two It is important to make the distinction between place and Montreal ´ neighbourhoods for at least 10 years or did live pre- space. Space refers to the physical location, whereas place can viously there but had moved away in the past five years. We be thought of as a process and includes an integration of included private renters, homeowners, and people living in physical, social, emotional and symbolic aspects, interacting residences for autonomous older adults. We also conducted in different degrees [6, 36]. Several authors have since written 10 in-depth interviews with key informants (i.e., six in La on attachment to place [37–41] dating back to the path- Petite-Patrie and four in Lower NDG, who came from varied breaking work of Rowles [42, 43] who developed a theory of backgrounds (e.g., municipal councillor, priest, community insideness to conceptualize attachment to place, using three workers, etc.). Table 1 summarizes some key characteristics components: (1) autobiographical; (2) physical; (3) social. of the older adults who participated in this study. For Rowles, physical insideness is associated with living somewhere for long periods of time—the resident establishes 3.2. Data Collection. Participants were referred from a a sense of environmental control or mastery by creating an variety of community organizations (e.g., a tenant advocacy idiosyncratic rhythm and routine. Social insideness evolves organization, the local community health care centre in both 4 Journal of Aging Research Table 1: Profile of study participants (n = 30). La Petite-Patrie Lower NDG Total Total participants 18 12 30 Men 6 5 11 Women 12719 65–69 1 0 1 70–74 1 3 4 75–79 8 3 11 80–84 4 1 5 85–90 3 3 6 90+ 1 2 3 Mother tongue French 12 0 12 English 0 5 5 Italian 6 7 13 Highest level of education Primary school (incomplete or complete) 8 7 15 Some high school 5 1 6 High school (completed) 2 1 3 Postsecondary 2 2 4 Socioeconomic status Low income 93 12 Current residents Owners 5 9 14 Renters 13 3 16 Renters living in HLM (public housing) 415 Former residents 516 Years in neighbourhood Less than 30 years 5 4 9 30 to 39 years 7 2 9 50 years and over 6 6 12 Total 18 12 30 No information for two participants, one in each neighbourhood. For the study purposes, low-income participants are those receiving the guaranteed income supplement (GIS), which provides additional money to top off the Old Age Security Pension. The maximum annual income for a single person GIS recipient is $15,960 (Service Canada, Old Age Security Payment Rates, April-June 2011: http://www.servicecanada.gc.ca/eng/isp/oas/oasrates.shtml). This definition is more stringent than Statistics Canada’s low-income cut-off of $22,229 before tax in 2009 for a single person living in a city of more than 100,000 inhabitants (Statistics Canada, Low Income Lines 2008-2009: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75f0002m/2010005/tbl/tbl02-eng.htm). HLM (Habitations a` loyer modique) are apartment complexes for low-to-modest income households, owned and managed by the public sector. Rent is set at 25% of household income and includes basic utilities. Tenants are selected from a waiting list according to needs-based criteria established by the provincial government. Those in our study are specifically for autonomous older adults. Lowest value of years in neighbourhood is 9 years followed by 12 years; all others resided in neighbourhood over 15 years. neighbourhoods, and the NDG Senior Citizens Council). was unable to locate former residents who had maintained Our research assistants put up posters in businesses and ties with the Council. Other prospective participants were distributed pamphlets and presented the project at various ineligible or not interested for various reasons (e.g., did not social events for older people. We encountered important meet age requirements, insufficient length of residency, poor challenges recruiting individuals displaced as a result of health). Attempts to recruit displaced individuals using the gentrification (this is a widespread problem in gentrification snowball method were also unfruitful. We also contacted research [11]). Although we had partnered with a tenant several autonomous residences for older people in adjacent advocacy organization in La Petite-Patrie that was willing to areas of Montreal, ´ but their administrators were not willing refer recently displaced clients, this strategy only generated to participate in the study. In sum, in La Petite-Patrie we one interview. In Lower NDG, the Senior Citizens Council interviewed five displaced residents. In Lower NDG, we had also hoped to refer recently displaced members but interviewed one long-term resident who had recently left. Journal of Aging Research 5 However, only one of the displaced participants was forced to until the research team members arrived at a consensus. The leave because of a housing takeover, all of the others moved entire analysis process was facilitated by using the qualitative due to declining health. software package QDA Miner. Interviews were conducted in English, French, and/or Italian, lasted between 60 minutes to two hours, were 4. The Two Study Neighbourhoods voice recorded and transcribed in their entirety, the Italian material being subsequently translated into French. The Before moving on to the presentation of findings, we original French language interview guide was developed now briefly introduce the two neighbourhoods, referring in collaboration with our French colleagues and upon to a summary table showing how their sociodemographic completion was translated into English and Italian. Our characteristics evolved over the decade preceding the start of interviews aimed to explore what changes older residents our fieldwork (Table 2). perceive as having occurred in the neighbourhood (e.g., new constructions, population, neighbourhood image, etc.) and 4.1. La Petite-Patrie. La Petite-Patrie is a working-class inner what the effects have been on them. Some of the potential city district a few kilometres north of downtown Montreal ´ impacts were covered systematically: social networks, change and dating from the 1910s–1920s when it was considered in urban landscape (e.g., loss/gain of new businesses, new part of a larger suburban district called Villeray. It is mainly constructions). We also wanted to explore to what extent French-Canadian in ethnocultural composition but is also older people’s social networks and activities were located home to one of the founding parishes of the city’s Italian- inside and outside of their neighbourhood, to be able to origin community. In the 1970s and 1980s its ethnocultural evaluate the significance of the local neighbourhood. Finally, profile diversified with the settlement of Latin American we were interested in what place older residents see for and Southeast Asian immigrants. It is known citywide today themselves in the neighbourhood, how they feel about aging mainly for two major culinary attractions in its western in place, what keeps them in their home. The interview sector: the Jean-Talon produce market and the Little Italy ended with a brief sociodemographic questionnaire to better commercial strip on nearby St. Lawrence Boulevard, both contextualize their perspectives. of which have been the object of large municipally led revi- The key informants were interviewed using a semistruc- talization initiatives in the past 10–15 years. Little Italy has tured interview guide and informed consent was obtained undergone a “rebranding” through ethnic entrepreneurship before each interview. The interviews lasted between 45 and many of the traditional storefronts on the main shopping minutes to one hour and were voice recorded in their street have been renovated and given way to more luxurious entirety. Participants were asked to describe the neighbour- boutiques. Although the resident population of Italian ethnic hood (types and cost of real estate and rentals, population, origin has shrunk by half from 1996 (5%) to 2006 (2.5%), the transportation, cultural activities, businesses, etc.). They local Italian business community is still powerful and Little were then asked about any changes they had noticed (new Italy remains a draw for Italian-origin residents of Montreal ´ constructions, population, etc.). Finally, they were asked and upper-middle-class consumers alike. The market has specifically about the role that older adults have in the neigh- been somewhat reoriented toward regionally produced and bourhood and whether they believe the neighbourhood is a artisanal specialty foodstuffs although a vast array of fresh good place to age. The term “gentrification” was purposefully produce is still available. excluded from all recruitment material and the interview Bucking the societal-scale trend of an aging population, guides so as not to bias participants’ responses. this area is now home to fewer senior citizens than a decade or so ago, and their relative weight has also diminished 3.3. Analysis. All interview transcripts were read, and an ana- (Table 2). It remains ethnically diverse, although the visible lytic summary was created for each participant to understand minority population has fallen, especially in the sectors the situation and the dynamics of social inclusion/exclusion most touched by the commercial gentrification that has of each of the participants. The analysis employed both been the key change in this area over the past 15 years or deductive and inductive approaches in identifying themes to so. La Petite-Patrie has seen a rapid increase in residential generate an understanding of how neighbourhood change gentrification activity since the early 2000s, in part due to an overspill from the city’s two most gentrified districts, to was experienced in the everyday lives of older adults. The seven dimensions of the social exclusion framework which it is adjacent. Housing market changes symptomatic [29] (symbolic, identity, territorial, sociopolitical, social of this gentrification are increased rates of homeownership network, economic, and institutional) were employed for (Table 2), spiralling real estate values (especially since the the first round of the deductive coding. To obtain a better mid-2000s, according to our key informants), mushroom- understanding of the participants’ perspective, we also ing infill condominium construction, and conversions of used Rowles’ three components of attachment (physical, rental units and nonresidential buildings (including an social, and autobiographical). To avoid forcing material iconic church) to condominiums, including some up-market into predefined categories and to reflect themes emerging housing units. Our community-based key informants claim from the data, we generated codes inductively using the that transformations of existing rental units have generated grounded theory approach of Glaser and Strauss [49]. These displacement in spite of the safeguards of tenants that are inductively generated codes were reviewed and discussed in principle built into law. As well, the neighbourhood has 6 Journal of Aging Research Table 2: Basic Sociodemographic data, Montreal ´ Census Metropolitan Area (CMA), Lower NDG, and La Petite-Patrie, 1996 and 2006. Montreal ´ CMA Lower NDG Petite-Patrie 1996 2006 1996 2006 1996 2006 Total population 3,326,510 3,635,571 9,553 10,284 15,792 15,423 Variation % +9.3+7.7 −2.3 Population 65 and over 400,135 495,690 1,110 1,120 2,025 1,740 % of total population 12.2 13.6 11.6 10.9 12.8 11.3 Population 20 to 44 1,338,110 1,313,615 4680 4995 7735 8225 % of total population 40,2 36,1 49,0 48,6 49,0 53,4 % with university degree 15.4 21.0 21.1 29.8 15.4 31.3 % low income households 27.3 21.1 45.6 41.8 58.6 40.4 Average total personal income 1.0 1.0 0.75 0.74 0.60 0.72 ratio (CMA = 1.0) % of private dwellings owned 48.5 53.4 19.0 20.3 15.5 18.5 Visible minority population 401,420 590,375 2,695 3,605 4,150 3,730 % of total population 12.2 16.5 28.7 35.8 26.5 24.4 Source: Statistics Canada, Censuses of 1996 and 2006, 20% sample data. The data for the case study neighbourhoods were calculated by aggregation of data published at the census tract level of geography. seen an influx of a younger, highly educated population, relative numbers of people belonging to a visible minority the average incomes of its residents, while still modest have risen considerably, unlike in La Petite-Patrie (Table 2), overall, have increased relative to the metropolitan area most of the increase being concentrated in the St-Raymond average while the proportion of low-income households sector. As to two of the classic precursors of gentrification, has fallen (Table 2). Two community organizations that the proportion of university degree holders increased faster have supported our project see these changes as creating than in the CMA as a whole but there was no relative increase pressures on low-income renters and are especially uneasy as in the weight of the 20–44 age group; thus, signs of incipient to whether residents in their 70s and older will still have their gentrification were less marked than in La Petite-Patrie. place in the neighbourhood if current trends persist. 5. Results 4.2. Lower NDG. LowerNDG,aninterwarsuburbinthe city’s west end, is mainly inhabited by an English-speaking 5.1. La Petite-Patrie. Before addressing the perception of changes and their assessment, it is important to describe and lower- to middle-income population, but like La Petite- the two main populations of older people residing in La Patrie, it was also a major area of settlement of Italian immigrants, the wave in this case beginning in the 1940s. Petite-Patrie: (1) the Italian population, homeowners who live in Little Italy, a sector within La Petite-Patrie (western In this case too, the Italian-origin population has halved in the decade 1996-2006 (6% to 3.2%). Unlike La Petite- sector of the neighbourhood); (2) the French-Canadians, Patrie, the main socioeconomic trend over the past decade who are mainly renters, residing near the centre and east of the neighbourhood. The Italians have a strong sense or so has been one of stability, even stagnation relative to the metropolitan area, rather than increasing income levels of attachment to Little Italy because this is the sector to which they immigrated, bought their first home, and raised (Table 2). However, a mega-hospital project, the new McGill University Health Centre (MUHC) campus, was planned their families (strong sense of autobiographical insideness). over a decade ago and has been under construction since Several interviewees expressed their attachment to the area 2009 on a vast site immediately adjacent to a section of this of Little Italy, comparing it to a village, or rather “the neighbourhood, named after the Catholic parish of Saint- village”. Their lives are organized around this relatively small Raymond, which forms the core of our study area. This has geographic space, and they are able to run all their daily already led to speculative construction of condominiums, errands on foot. Almost all of the Italians had dense social although so far these have been low end of market. Signif- networks within the neighbourhood. They also demon- icant revitalization of this working class neighbourhood is strated strong attachment to shops and cafes ´ they frequented expected once the hospital is completed. Local community on a regular basis as well as the local parish and associations. organizations have been highly proactive in warning about The public Jean-Talon market and parks also emerged as and trying to mitigate the potentially negative effects of significant places that were part of their routine. Contrary gentrification on the area’s low-income residents. Census to the Italians, the French-Canadians’ attachment was more data for 2006 (Table 2) show a neighbourhood whose older instrumental: as an 85-year-old female renter pointed out, population is holding its own in absolute terms, but not “we appreciate the neighbourhood because everything is at in relative terms. A major change is that the absolute and your fingertips” [translation]. Yet, some French Canadian Journal of Aging Research 7 participants expressed complex and deep-rooted attachment and low-income residents of the neighbourhood. An Italian- that went beyond the instrumental attachment to the speaking owner noted that the neighbourhood has become neighbourhood. For example, the woman who was forced prohibitively expensive, preventing members of his family to out of the neighbourhood because of a housing takeover settle there. continued to return frequently to shop in familiar stores. As for the business changes, the positions were also very Other French Canadians felt attachment to La Petite-Patrie diverse. Some participants harshly critiqued the changes to that went beyond having shops nearby; the attachment to two major commercial streets in the neighbourhood, notably their immediate environment became more evident as they St-Hubert Street where the variety of its stores had been expressed feeling threatened and uncomfortable with the lost and the new shops did not meet the needs of the older arrival of new ethnic minorities. neighbourhood residents: “All the stores we liked, they are For both populations, the perception of changes varied all gone. They were all replaced by fabric stores, prom dresses, considerably among interviewees. Some participants per- wedding boutiques .... “It is not at my age that I’ll buy that!” ceived only very few changes, if any, while others perceived [translation] (71-year-old French-Canadian woman, renter). several. People living in social housing complexes or in older As for commercial shift of St-Lawrence Boulevard and the residents’ apartment complexes generally perceived little renovation of the Jean-Talon market, many appreciated the change in the neighbourhood; many people living in these changes and the arrival of new businesses: “there’s a lot residences often only described the change in their individual of progress in Little Italy, in shops, restaurants ... Many residence. Moreover, the changes reported by participants people are coming” [translation] (71-year-old Italian man, focused on the immediate environs (one’s neighbours, one’s homeowner). However, few say they regularly attend the street, or at most a few surrounding streets). The most new restaurants and cafes, ´ preferring familiar places. Others common change noticed was a perception of increasing lament the increased traffic in Little Italy and higher market ethnoracial diversity (which, as we saw in Table 2,isnot prices that have forced them to do their shopping elsewhere. supported by census data). Reactions to this varied from One 91-year-old Italian man (home owner) described his frank expressions of unease—a sense of strangeness in ambivalence about the changes: “The Jean-Talon market used once-familiar public spaces which led some people not to to be more traditional, now it has become very commercial, frequent them any more—to discourses avowing tolerance there are too many people, in the summer we can’t go Fridays, and even a cosmopolitan mentality. For instance, one 79- Thursday evenings, and Saturday afternoon, there are just too year-old French-speaking woman stated, “You have to go many people! The market is working well, so for us; it is a to McDonald’s to see this. We don’t feel at home, it’s full of good thing because the houses have doubled in value! To buy a immigrants. I know. I don’t understand how they let that many home here, if I wanted to sell my house, they are going to pay!” into the country! I just don’t know” [translation]. An 85- [translation]. year-old French-Canadian woman said she felt “invaded,” A neighbourhood change that negatively affected a num- “It’s too crowded now (St-Hubert Street), and you hear all ber of the French-Canadian residents was the disappearance different languages. We ask ourselves where we are. I don’t like of the Golden Age Clubs and bingos: “Ah! It shocked me it. They are invading us! I am scared that in 10 years, what because it was the only fun we had. You know old people other languages are we going to hear? They are going to take are not interested in going to bars to drink, I do not drink. everything from us ... all the businesses; it’s them who are That was the only place we had to go. So since it closed: running them” [translation]. French Canadian interviewees “Stayhome!”Sowestayathome ... It’s as if for older also reported that local churches were increasingly being residents, we’re just too old, they are just waiting for us to die!” “taken over” by the Haitian population. Some told us they [translation] (71-year-old French-Canadian woman, renter). attend church much less often because they feel out of place, In recent years, three clubs catering to French-Canadians “I’m the only white face in the room” [translation], an 82-year- have closed their doors, while the Italian-speaking club old woman reported. In contrast, a man of Italian descent continues to operate. According to two key informants, these viewed this newfound diversity positively, “it helps to know closures are related to lack of leadership in the clubs, deficient new people, other cultures, to reduce prejudice, because we are financial support from the municipal borough, and to their all alike!” [translation]. declining popularity, especially as the aging population of the Several interviewees reported that real estate values and neighbourhood decreases. In this sense, the closure may be rents had increased substantially in recent years. Several also linked to the gentrification with the arrival of a younger and pointed out the spread of condominiums, some referring to more educated population. the transformation of a local church into quite luxurious condominiums. Despite the documented increase in the 5.2. Lower NDG. The two main populations residing in number of residents with university degrees, very few Lower NDG are the Italian-Canadians, of whom those in study participants noted the arrival of a younger, better our sample are all homeowners, and the English-speaking educated and wealthier population to the neighbourhood, Canadians, of whom those we interviewed are both home with the exception of one 76-year-old French-speaking owners and renters (Table 1). The scarcity of businesses in woman who welcomes the arrival of more “refined people” Lower NDG, especially in the St-Raymond sector, forces [translation]. While some owners appreciated the increased value of their homes, others saw the recent developments its residents to leave the neighbourhood regularly and as negative because they did not meet the needs of families frequently to meet most of their consumer, social, and in 8 Journal of Aging Research some cases, spiritual needs. As such, their instrumental they did not have a political voice, especially compared to attachment is low, especially compared to the residents of La the Italian population: “It’s more difficult. First of all, the older Petite-Patrie. Some residents expressed indifference toward residents’ voices are all Italian, who is going to give ... Idon’t their neighbourhood, as one 90-year-old English-speaking think anyone really cares. I mean politicians pretend they do for woman made clear when asked why she decided to move to five minutes to bet whatever bills they want passed; they make the neighbourhood and stay for so many years: “Idon’t know, it look like they really care ... Yes, but this is silly, but I think it’s a place to live, you have to live some place!”However,some there is a place for giving people more of a say in life rather than homeowners demonstrated a strong sense of attachment just being consumers” (73-year-old English-speaking woman, linked to their deep-rooted history with the neighbourhood. homeowner). Despite the generally reported deterioration For example, one 74-year-old woman who bought the house of the neighbourhood, the arrival of the new community she grew up in from her mother explained: “It’s just home ... centre was unanimously viewed as a positive addition, as My family they all stuck around, you know I got 4 children. And one 73-year-old woman owner pointed out: “Oh! It is a Ihavethe 2boyslivinghere. Iamvery ... My own son with his 2 beautiful place.” Participants viewed the community centre kids down the street, it’s great, it’s great!”However,compared as a new place to meet with their peers, “At least now to the Italian-origin residents, the social attachments among we have a place to go in the winter, where we can go for the English speaking Canadians were more family oriented 2-3 hours during the evening.” [translation] (70-year-old around individual homes whereas the Italians met regularly Italian woman, homeowner). Finally, interviewees expected to socialize at St-Raymond’s Parish and the bocce courts important future changes with the construction of the located behind St-Raymond’s Community Centre. (“Bocce” new mega-hospital centre yet the opinions were mixed. is a ball sport belonging to the boules sport family that Some consider the potential negative ramifications of the is commonly played outdoors during the summer months construction: “I don’t know they’ve been talking about it among the Italian communities in Montreal.) ´ for the past 10 years and nothing has happened yet. They’re As in La Petite-Patrie, the most common change noticed talking about making it (main artery running through St- in Lower NDG was the increase in ethnic minority popula- Raymond) a one way street .... I can’t imagine that!” (90-year- tions (which in this case is more congruent with the census old English speaking woman, renter). While others viewed data—Table 2). Perceptions were also mixed, but several the new construction in a more positive light: “I think because participants responded negatively toward the arrival of a of the super hospital I think it has given people a boost, even medical transit house for Inuit people, as they felt the centre though there’s been lots of complaints about what’s being done changed the image of the neighbourhood: “Idon’t know butthe factthatatleast thereissomeactivityismakingthe what they are going to do. I mean they (Inuit) are laying on place more ... less of a forgotten area ... Yesitisaplacethat churches ... Churches lawns and ... Well just yesterday, at the will be convenient, and ah it will be fine. Rather before it was a bus one was sitting in the door steps ... I mean that’s not very place that you hardly knew it existed, so now it is coming into its nice when people pass on the bus and see it, it is not very nice own.” (73 year-old English-speaking woman, homeowner). for people living here either ...” (74-year-old English-speaking woman, homeowner). However, some residents, such as a 6. Discussion 90-year-old English-speaking woman renter embraced the diversity: “Now there is everything. There’s Hindus and Jewish, Through this study we obtained an improved understanding but everyone gets along well.” of how older residents who are aging in place experience Some of the residents also reported feeling less secure neighbourhoods that are themselves undergoing change. The in the neighbourhood: “Putitthisway,you askme, if I results show that even when older residents remain in place, feel at home on my street, yes. Ask me if I could go down they may experience feelings of strangeness, insecurity, and to Saint-James, after 9 o’clock, no!” (74-year-old English- social exclusion. speaking woman, homeowner). An 85-year-old English- The experiences of attachment to neighbourhood dif- speaking homeowner also mentioned that the neighbour- fered depending on the nature of the neighbourhood and the hood is becoming less safe, that there have been a couple of population at hand. Instrumental (or functional) attachment recent shootings and a “person was beat up” at the top of her was not captured by Rowles’ threefold typology, yet it was the street. most widely reported among both the Italians and French Similar to La Petite-Patrie, there were also reports of Canadians in La Petite-Patrie. It is not surprising that there lost institutions; for example, a 74-year-old English-speaking was no reported instrumental attachment in Lower NDG woman regrets the loss of the church in which she was an since the neighbourhood is lacking in local services, which active member for over 40 years: “I like my new church but forces the residents to leave the area to meet the majority of I mean I loved my old church. That was a surprise, but I their daily needs. Commercial and institutional deficiency in can worship anywhere. You know, it is not like I was married Lower NDG not only prevented the residents from “living” there, my father or mother ... No they weren’t married there the neighbourhood, it also prohibited them from establish- but ... But all my kids were christened there ..., you know, ing a routine with it (Rowles’ [38, 39] physical insideness). so I have a lot more attachment to that, I mean to that However, with the arrival of the new mega-hospital, residents one.” Despite this loss, there were no collective political maybecomemoreinstrumentallyattached,assomeof movements to save this important institution. Some of the the residents forecast that the construction will bring new English-speaking interviewees expressed frustration and felt businesses and services to their “forgotten” neighbourhood. Journal of Aging Research 9 Two groups seem to stand out in both neighbourhoods, of Lower NDG seemed less affected by changes, such as although we are cautious given the small number of partici- the closure of their Anglican church, because they were pants: (1) the Italian homeowners, and (2) the English and used to leaving the neighbourhood to meet their needs. In French-speaking renters. First, neighbourhood attachment addition, an unexpected result was the implementation of is recognized as being more prevalent for homeowners a new community centre with activities catering to older than it is for renters, the formers’ symbolic as well as people in Lower NDG, a deteriorating neighbourhood, material investment being greater due to their likelihood of whereas in La Petite-Patrie, a neighbourhood undergoing moving less frequently than renters [45]. Second, compared gentrification, we see the closure of important institutions to the Italians, the French- and English-speaking Canadian for older adults. This surprising finding is at odds with the interviewees had a widely dispersed social network in the viewpoint of Bowling and Stratford (2007) [52] who suggest city, and/or had moved several times during their adult that increasing the affluence of an area may improve the lives, thereby not establishing the same sense of social social and physical functioning of older people who are aging connectedness (social insideness) as the Italians. The Italians’ in place. This was not the case in La Petite-Patrie, where description of the neighbourhood as a “village” effectively the closure of French-Canadian Golden Age Clubs led to a portrays their warm feelings of connectedness with neigh- form of “house arrest” for some of the participants. Yet, in bours and their surroundings and seems to be related to Lower NDG, the English-speaking Canadians reported fear their stronger sense of autobiographical insideness, as they of crime, which prevented them from going out at night. As had built their lives in the neighbourhood. In Lower NDG, noted by Anne-Marie Seguin ´ et al. [53], when one is confined some of the English-speaking Canadians were homeowners, to the home it becomes a place of isolation and invisibility. yet there was much less a sense of social connectedness and Feelings of insecurity and the disappearance of familiar autobiographical insideness beyond their individual homes institutions provided evidence of Billette and Lavoie’s [29] and their immediate families. dimension of territorial exclusion. Conversely, in both We have alluded to the fact that the older residents’ neighbourhoods, the Italians had managed to maintain their perceived changes do not necessarily reflect the reality of social and cultural institutions. For instance, at present, the the neighbourhood changes, especially in regards to the Italian Parish in La Petite-Patrie has many members who proportion of the visible minority population (principally attend very regularly, and a number of activities continue to in La Petite-Patrie). Yet the first, and sometimes the only, be organized around the church. Similarly, the Italian Golden type of change noted in both neighbourhoods was in terms Age clubs of this community continue to operate, contrary of visible signs of an increasing ethnoracial diversity and to the French-Canadian clubs. A key informant even spoke physical signs such as new condos, commercial revitalisation, of the older Italians wanting to open a residence catering and so forth. On the other hand, new younger and better- specifically to Italian seniors in Little Italy. Similarly, in Lower educated populations went virtually unnoticed. This relative NDG, the older Italians continued to meet regularly at St- invisibility of the arrival of this new population suggests that Raymond’s Church and the bocce courts located behind St- social class change is less dramatic than ethnic distinctions. Raymond’s Community Centre. This finding draws a parallel to Alba’s [50]Mexican study, For a number of reasons, the residents of Italian descent where changes related to gentrification were not perceived by in both neighbourhoods viewed the neighbourhood changes interviewees besides home renovations. Negative comments with more serenity and comfort than the French- and relating to the perceived increase in ethnic minorities were English-speaking Canadian residents. Similar to Pashup- more common than were positive ones. The French Canadi- Graham [28] whose Chicago-based study unveiled some ans in La Petite-Patrie and the English-speaking participants of the positive consequences of gentrification, the Italians in Lower NDG felt especially “invaded,” that they no longer viewed the revitalization with enthusiasm; they recognized belonged or felt “at home” among the new faces on their once that the neighbourhood was becoming more attractive and familiar landscape. The negative feelings of “strangeness” that the value of their homes was increasing. While the in a well-known environment provide evidence of indirect Italians were mostly homeowners, giving them some pro- displacement and symbolic exclusion [29] resonating with tection against the gentrification of the neighbourhood, the Nord’s [51] “politics of resentment” in which the London French Canadians were all renters. It is thus not surprising shopkeepers who were interviewed blamed multiculturalism that the renters we met, be they French or English-speaking, and cultural diversity in the neighbourhood for inequalities were at the same time less attached to their neighbourhood and feeling powerless. On the other hand, the Italians did and possibly more vulnerable to perceived and objective not report the same negative experience, which is likely to local changes generating experiences of social exclusion. For be related to their strong sense of social insideness to the instance, the French- and English- speaking Canadians were neighbourhood. experiencing forms of symbolic exclusion, as was pointed out Among the reported changes, the greatest effect on by two key informants who believed that these populations older residents was related to the closure of the Golden were no longer seen or heard, rendering them invisible. Age Clubs and churches as well as the revamping of a Similar to Martin [23] who looks at political displacement, commercial street (niche market of bridal and evening wear) the absence of the voices of this population in politics and a public market (higher market prices). However, an and decision making also suggests a form of sociopolitical important distinction between the English- and French- exclusion. The visibility and political influence of the Italians speaking populations was that the English-speaking residents were obvious to some of the other interviewees, which may 10 Journal of Aging Research have reinforced feelings of exclusion among the French- Acknowledgments and English-speaking populations. This finding is supported This research is funded (2008–2011) by the Social Sciences by Phillipson [14] who writes, “variations in community and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Grant no. 410- attachments now illustrate significant inequalities within the 2008–0224. We wish to thank all our interviewees and the older population: most notably between those able to make various community organizations that provided guidance conscious decisions about where and with whom to live, and and assistance with recruitment. The usual disclaimers those who feel marginalised and alienated by changes in the apply. communities in which they have “aged in place” (page 336). Finally, unlike the French- and English-speaking commu- nities, the Italians had managed to maintain their cultural References and social institutions. The reasons for this preservation are [1] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Localisation complex, and we are cautious given the small sample size; Urbaine et expression du vieillissement,” Sociologie Sante, vol. it appears that their strong sense of physical, social, and 11, pp. 105–118, 1994. autobiographical insideness led to greater visibility, political [2] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Vivre la ville power, and control over changes, which in turn protected al ` avieillesse:semenager ´ et se risquer,” Les Annales de la themfromsomedynamicsofsocialexclusion. Recherche Urbaine, vol. 73, 1996. The first expected impact of gentrification is often [3] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Exper ´ iences financial [54]. An unexpected finding was that almost no du vieilissement et formes urbaines,” in L’urbain dans Tous ses ´etats. Faire, Vivre, Dire la Ville, N. Haumont, Ed., pp. 231–242, respondents experienced economic exclusion. This appears L’Harmattan, Paris, France, 1998. to be related to the fact that La Petite-Patrie is undergoing [4] C. Lalive d’Epinay, J. Christe, H. M. Coenen-Huther et al., incomplete gentrification [55]; that the neighbourhood is Vieillesses- Situations, Itin´eraires et Modes de vie des Personnes maintaining a certain social mix that is manifested by the Ag´ees Aujourd’hui, Georgi, Saint-Saphorin, Switzerland, 1983. heterogeneity of businesses, the cost of housing, and social [5] F. Oswald, A. Hieber, H. W. Wahl, and H. Mollenkopf, “Ageing status of the population. A second potentially protective and person-environment fit in different urban neighbour- element is that Quebec ´ has a system of rent regulation. The hoods,” European Journal of Ageing, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 88–97, situation could be very different in other cities that do not have these protective measures in place; thus there is scope [6] J. Wiles, “Conceptualizing place in the care of older people: the for further research. contributions of geographical gerontology,” Journal of Clinical Nursing, vol. 14, no. 8 B, pp. 100–108, 2005. [7] M. P. Cutchin, “Agenda for future spaces for inquiry into 7. Conclusion the role of place for older people’s care,” Journal of Clinical Nursing, vol. 14, no. 8 B, pp. 121–129, 2005. The majority of environmental gerontology research has [8] G. Bridge, R. Forrest, and E. Holland, Neighbouring: A focused on how to provide security and strengthen an older Review of the Evidence, University of Bristol, ESRC Centre for person’s sense of self while they age in place. There is a Neighbourhood Research, Bristol, UK, 2004. call for further research that considers how neighbourhood [9] A. M. Guest and S. K. Wierzbicki, “Social ties at the change affects older residents who age in place. This study neighborhood level: two decades of GSS evidence,” Urban goes beyond economic impacts of neighbourhood change Affairs Review, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 92–111, 1999. and considers the importance of social, cultural, and political [10] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Bon voisinage consequences that may affect people’s quality of life. Our aux solidarites ´ de proximite, ´ ” in Solitude et Isolement des Personnes ag ˆ ´ees. L’environnement Solidaire, pp. 105–138, Eres, ` observations also support the relevance of examining the Toulouse, France, 2004. possible role of gentrification in the dynamics of social [11] R. Atkinson and M. Wulff, Gentrification and Displacement: A exclusion of older people who are living in a changing Review of Approaches and Findings in the Literature AHURI working class neighbourhood and, at the same time, have Positioning Paper no. 115, Southern and Monash Research little control over local institutions and organizations that Centre: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, are essential to meet their needs. In addition, this study reinforces the importance of considering the heterogeneity [12] H.-W. Wahl and G. D. Weisman, “Environmental gerontology of the older adult population; inequalities and social dif- at the beginning of the new millennium: reflections on its historical, empirical, and theoretical development,” The ferences still exist, even within golden age cohorts. To this Gerontologist, vol. 43, no. 5, pp. 616–627, 2003. end, Manzo [56], citing Hummon [56], recalled that the [13] A. E. Smith, Ageing in Urban Neighbourhoods: Place Attach- rootedness of some members of the community involves ment and Social Exclusion, Policy Press, Bristol, UK, 2010. the removal and exclusion of other members. Finally, our [14] C. Phillipson, “The “elected” and the “excluded”: sociological findings demonstrate the crucial role that social spaces play perspectives on the experience of place and community in old in order to maintain or develop social links, increase visibility age,” Ageing & Society, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 321–342, 2007. and consequently feelings of inclusion. There is a need to [15] T. Scharf, C. Phillipson, and A. E. Smith, Multiple Exclusion maintain these social spaces for older residents, especially in and Quality of Life amongst Excluded Older People in Disadvan- changing environments, to ensure that older people have a taged Neighbourhoods,Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, space to be seen and heard. Social Exclusion Unit, London, UK, 2005. Journal of Aging Research 11 [16] C. Phillipson, “Ageing and urban society: growing old in the [35] C. Twigger-Ross and D. Uzzell, “Place and identity processes,” century of the city,” in The Sage Handbook of Social Gerontol- Journal of Environmental Psychology, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 205– ogy,D.Daffener and C. Phillipson, Eds., Sage, Thousand Oaks, 220, 1996. Calif, USA, 2010. [36] D. Massey, AGlobalSense of Place, Policy Press, Cambridge, [17] C. Hamnett, “Gentrification, postindustrialism, industrial and Mass, USA, 1994. occupational restructuring in global cities,” in A Companion to [37] S. Peace and C. Holland, Inclusive Housing in an Ageing Society, the City, G. Bridge and S. Watson, Eds., Blackwell, Oxford, UK, Innovative Approaches, Policy Press, Bristol, UK, 2001. [38] S. Peace, H.-W. Wahl, H. Mollenkopf, and F. Oswald, “Envi- [18] L. Lees,T.Slater, andE.Wyly, Gentrification,Routledge, ronment and ageing,” in Ageing in Society, J. Bond, S. Peace, F. London, UK, 2007. Dittman-Kohli, and G. Westerhof, Eds., 3rd edition, 2007. [19] K. Shaw, “Gentrification: what it is, why it is, and what can [39] S. Peace, C. Holland, and L. Kellaher, Environment and Identity be done about it,” Geography Compass, vol. 2, pp. 1697–1728, in Later Life, Open University Press, Maidenhead, UK, 2005. [40] R. L. Rubinstein and P. A. Parmelee, “Attachment to place [20] J. Hackworth and J. Rekers, “Ethnic packaging and gentrifica- and representation of life course by the elderly,” in Place tion: the case of four neighborhoods in Toronto,” Urban Affairs Attachment: Human Behavior and Environment,I.Altmanand Review, vol. 41, no. 2, pp. 211–236, 2005. S. M. Low, Eds., vol. 12, pp. 139–163, Plenum Press, New York, [21] D. Rose, “Local state policy and “new-build gentrifi cation” in NY, USA, 1992. Montreal: ´ the role of the “population factor” in a fragmented [41] L. M. Vandemark, “Promoting the sense of self, place, and governance context,” Population, Space and Place, vol. 16, no. belonging in displaced persons: the example of homelessness,” 5, pp. 413–428, 2010. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, vol. 21, no. 5, pp. 241–248, [22] P. Marcuse, “Abandonment, gentrification and displacement: 2007. the linkages in New York City,” in Gentrification of the City, [42] G. Rowles, Prisoners of Space? Exploring the Geographical N. Smith and P. Williams, Eds., pp. 153–177, Unwin Hyman, Experience of Older People, Westview Press, Boulder, Colo, London, UK, 1986. USA, 1978. [23] L. Martin, “Fighting for control: political displacement in [43] G. Rowles, “Geographical dimensions of social support in Atlanta’s gentrifying neighborhoods,” Urban Affairs Review, rural Appalachian community,” in Aging and Milieu: Environ- vol. 42, no. 5, pp. 603–628, 2007. mental Perspectives on Growing Old, G. Rowles and R. Ohta, [24] M. Davidson and L. Lees, “New-build gentrification and Eds., pp. 231–239, Academic Press, New York, NY, USA, 1983. London’s riverside renaissance,” Environment and Planning A, [44] S. Sugihara and G. W. Evans, “Place attachment and social vol. 37, no. 7, pp. 1165–1190, 2005. support at continuing care retirement communities,” Environ- [25] N. Blomley, Unsettling the City: Urban Land and the Politics of ment and Behavior, vol. 32, no. 3, pp. 400–409, 2000. Property, Routledge, London, UK, 2004. [45] B. Brown, D. D. Perkins, and G. Brown, “Place attachment [26] D. J. H. Deeg andG.C.F.Thomese, ´ “Discrepancies between in a revitalizing neighborhood: individual and block levels of personal income and neighbourhood status: effects on physi- analysis,” Journal of Environmental Psychology, vol. 23, no. 3, cal and mental health,” European Journal of Ageing, vol. 2, no. pp. 259–271, 2003. 2, pp. 98–108, 2005. [46] S. M. Golant, A Place to Grow Old: The Meaning of Environ- [27] S. Lehman-Frisch, “Like a village: les habitants et leur rue ment in Old Age, Colombia University Press, New York, NY, commerc¸ante dans Noe Valley, un quartier gentrified ´ eSan USA, 1984. Francisco,” Espaces et Soci´et´es, vol. 108-109, pp. 49–68, 2002. [47] R. Stake, The Art of Case Study Research CA, Sage, Thousand [28] J. Pashup-Graham, Coping with Changes in the Neighbourhood: Oaks, Calif, USA, 1995. Residential Capital, Aging and Neighbourhood Preferences, [48] R. Yin, Applications of Case Study Research, Sage, Beverly Hills, Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Sociology, University of Calif, USA, 1993. Chicago, Chicago, Ill, USA, 2003. [49] B. G. Glaser and A. L. Straus, The Discovery of Grounded [29] V. Billette and J.-P. Lavoie, “Introduction. Vieillissements, Theory, Aldine, Chicago, Ill, USA, 1967. exclusions sociales et solidarites, ´ ” in Vieillir au Pluriel. Per- [50] M. Alba, “Memoir ´ e urbaine et representations ´ socio-spatiales: spectives Sociales,M.N.DansCharpentier,V.Billette, J.P. l’exper ´ ience du vieillir dans la met ´ ropole, le cas de la ville de Lavoie, A. Grenier, and I. Olazabal, Eds., pp. 1–22, Presses de Mexico,” in Proceedings of the Vivre le vieillir: des lieux, des l’Universited ´ uQuebec, ´ Quebec, ´ Canada, 2010. mots, des actes, Universite´ de Toulouse II-Le Mirail, Toulouse, [30] S. Paugam, L’Exclusion. L’Etat des Savoirs,LaDec ´ ouverte, Paris, France, 2009. France, 1996. [51] P. G. Nord, “The small shopkeepers movement and politics [31] F. X. Merrien, “Etat-providence et lutte contre l’exclusion,” in France, 1888–1914,” in Shopkeepers and Master Artisans in in L’Exclusion, L’Etat des Savoirs, pp. 417–421, La Dec ´ ouverte, Nineteenth Century Europe, H.-G. H. Geoffrey Crossick, Ed., Paris, France, 1996. Methuen, London, UK, 1984. [32] D. Byrne, Social Exclusion, Open University Press, Bucking- [52] A. Bowling and M. Stafford, “How do objective and subjective ham, UK, 1999. assessments of neighbourhood influence social and physical [33] T. Scharf, C. Phillipson, P. Kingston, and A. E. Smith, “Social functioning in older age? Findings from a British survey of exclusion and older people: exploring the connections,” ageing,” Social Science & Medicine, vol. 64, no. 12, pp. 2533– Education and Ageing, vol. 16, pp. 303–320, 2001. 2549, 2007. [34] C. Lessof and R. Jowell, Measuring Social Exclusion, University [53] A.-M. Seguin, ´ P. Apparicio, and P. Negron, Evolution de of Oxford, National Centre for Social Research and Depart- la Distribution Spatiale de la Population ag ˆ ´ee dans Huit ment of Sociology, Centre for Research into Elections and M´etropoles: Une S´egr´egation qui s’amenuise ? INRS Centre Social Trends, Oxford, UK, 2000. Urbanisation Culture Societ ´ e, ´ Montreal, ´ Canada, 2008. 12 Journal of Aging Research [54] S. M. Keigher, Housing Risks and Homelessness among the Urban Elderly, Haworth Press, New York, NY, USA, 1991. [55] R. A. Walks and R. Maaranen, The Timing, Patterning, & Forms of Gentrification & Neighbourhood Upgrading in Montreal, Toronto & Vancouver, 1961 to 2001,Centrefor Urbanand Community Studies, Cities Centre, University of Toronto, Totonto, Canada, 2008. [56] D. M. Hummon, “Community attachment,” in Place Attach- ment, I. Altman and S. M. Low, Eds., pp. 253–278, Plenum Press, New York, NY, USA, 1992. MEDIATORS of INFLAMMATION The Scientific Gastroenterology Journal of World Journal Research and Practice Diabetes Research Disease Markers Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 International Journal of Journal of Immunology Research Endocrinology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Submit your manuscripts at http://www.hindawi.com BioMed PPAR Research Research International Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Journal of Obesity Evidence-Based Journal of Journal of Stem Cells Complementary and Ophthalmology International Alternative Medicine Oncology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Parkinson’s Disease Computational and Behavioural Mathematical Methods AIDS Oxidative Medicine and in Medicine Research and Treatment Cellular Longevity Neurology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Journal of Aging Research Hindawi Publishing Corporation

Revisiting the Role of Neighbourhood Change in Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Older People

Loading next page...
 
/lp/hindawi-publishing-corporation/revisiting-the-role-of-neighbourhood-change-in-social-exclusion-and-IHSYnNdIrM

References (70)

Publisher
Hindawi Publishing Corporation
Copyright
Copyright © 2012 Victoria F. Burns et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
ISSN
2090-2204
eISSN
2090-2212
DOI
10.1155/2012/148287
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

Hindawi Publishing Corporation Journal of Aging Research Volume 2012, Article ID 148287, 12 pages doi:10.1155/2012/148287 Research Article Revisiting the Role of Neighbourhood Change in Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Older People 1, 2 1, 2, 3 4 Victoria F. Burns, Jean-Pierre Lavoie, and Damaris Rose Centre de Recherche et d’Expertise en Gerontologie Sociale (CREGES), C.S.S.S. Cavendish, 5800 Cavendish Boulevard, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H4W 2T5 School of Social Work, McGill University, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H3A 2A7 Ecole de Travail social, Universit´eduQu´ebec aM ` ontr´eal, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H2L 4Y2 Centre Urbanisation Culture Soci´et´e, Universit´e INRS, 385 Rue Sherbrooke Est, Montr´eal, QC, Canada H2X 1E3 Correspondence should be addressed to Victoria F. Burns, victoria.burns@mail.mcgill.ca Received 13 May 2011; Accepted 18 July 2011 Academic Editor: Frank Oswald Copyright © 2012 Victoria F. Burns et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Objective. To explore how older people who are “aging in place” are affected when the urban neighbourhoods in which they are aging are themselves undergoing socioeconomic and demographic change. Methods. A qualitative case study was conducted in two contrasting neighbourhoods in Montreal ´ (Quebec, ´ Canada), the analysis drawing on concepts of social exclusion and attachment. Results. Participants express variable levels of attachment to neighbourhood. Gentrification triggered processes of social exclusion among older adults: loss of social spaces dedicated to older people led to social disconnectedness, invisibility, and loss of political influence on neighbourhood planning. Conversely, certain changes in a disadvantaged neighbourhood fostered their social inclusion. Conclusion. This study thus highlights the importance of examining the impacts of neighbourhood change when exploring the dynamics of aging in place and when considering interventions to maintain quality of life of those concerned. 1. Introduction less likely to be involved in employment and have greater chance of becoming physically dependent [11]. Despite the A number of researchers have suggested that with advancing growing body of aging-in-place research, social gerontology, age, a person’s geographical area tends to become increas- hampered by static “environmental fit” models [12] has paid ingly limited in space [1–6]. Research that has explored the relatively little attention to the changes taking place in the question of the meaning of place in different groups indicates neighbourhoods within which older people are aging and that proximity of neighbours has a greater importance in to how they experience these changes (submit to? actively the lives of older residents [7]. The neighbourhood is more participate in?...). It has been largely up to researchers in significant for older people and the disadvantaged than the geographies of aging to demonstrate the importance for the younger and more affluent, who tend to develop of neighbourhood change. Moreover, the social gerontology social networks more diffuse in space [8, 9]. (Following literature on aging in place and on the role of place in aging current conventions, we use the terms “older person” and in old urban neighbourhoods—including a notable recent “older adult” in reference to people aged 65 years and over.) UK-Canadian comparison [13]—still focuses predominantly Moreover, the neighbourhood and the “home” become key on neighbourhoods experiencing observable physical decline elements in social life—social relations gradually become or mounting criminality. The latter could have negative limited to people who live nearby—and also in defining impacts on older people’s comfort level in their homes or on one’s sense of self, because the neighbourhood provides a their ability to appropriate and navigate local public spaces number of identity markers [10]. Olderpeopletendtobe [14, 15]. This focus is not surprising given that living in more reliant on their immediate environment as they are neighbourhoods of “multiple deprivation” can potentially 2 Journal of Aging Research reinforce the social exclusion of older people. However, it how neighbourhood revitalization may generate among is also important to uncover possible dynamics of social older adults a sense of being out of place to the point exclusion of older people who find themselves living amidst that they are reluctant to venture out of their house [3]. growing affluence where they experience forms of place In contrast, little attention has been paid to the potentially reshaping largely beyond their control, as in the case of positive experiences of some older people in contexts of neighbourhoods undergoing gentrification [16]. gentrification [28]. For instance, with gentrification comes Gentrification is simultaneously a physical, economic, an increase in real estate assets and it may give a greater social, and cultural phenomenon classically defined in the sense of security due to increased numbers of people on local literature as involving the “invasion” of previously working- shopping streets, improved public facilities and services, and class neighbourhoods by middle or upper-income groups more opportunities to meet people. For these reasons, we and the subsequent displacement of many of the original decided to launch a study to explore older adults’ perceptions residents [17]. (The use of the term “invasion” intentionally of gentrification and to determine its effects on both their evokes the notion of invasion and succession developed social exclusion and inclusion. Drawing on concepts of social by the Chicago School of urban sociology.) Debates and exclusion, direct and indirect displacement, and attachment, empirical research surrounding this topic now amount to this paper addresses how older people experience change in a vast body of scholarship in urban geography and cognate two contrasting neighbourhoods in Montreal, ´ Canada: (1) fields; indeed, gentrification is often seen as the most La Petite-Patrie, a rapidly gentrifying neighbourhood and important type of urban change across the global North over (2) Lower Notre-Dame-de-Grac ˆ e (NDG), a disadvantaged the past three decades [18]. This process involves a change in neighbourhood. This study forms part of a larger qualitative population characteristics with the arrival of younger, better research project aiming to better understand the ways in educated people with higher incomes, a significant increase which gentrification can contribute to the dynamics of in the cost of housing (including house values, rents, prop- social exclusion and inclusion of older people. As well as erty taxes), particular styles of commercial revitalization, the Montreal ´ study areas, the research has an international increased traffic on neighbourhood commercial streets, and comparative dimension embracing two neighbourhoods in finally, displacement of former residents to more affordable Toulouse, France (Minimes and Marengo). (A comparison neighbourhoods. including the two French neighbourhoods is beyond the Over the past 15 years or so, the forms taken by scope of this paper.) The aims of this study were to answer gentrification have diversified [19]. While private-sector the following questions. actors (e.g., home renovators, landlords) still cause displace- (1) What place does the neighbourhood have in the ment, core city municipalities of large metropolitan areas everyday lives of older residents? (What places do are increasingly courting, even orchestrating gentrification. they frequent? Where are their social networks situ- For example, they may facilitate new housing construction ated? What neighbourhood resources and services do and the rebranding of neighbourhood commercial arteries they use?) [20, 21] so as to relaunch local economies, resolve fiscal (2) What neighbourhood changes do older residents crunches, and attract young and urbane singles and/or notice? families, such that in some cases the long-standing trend for demographic aging of the innercity has been dramatically (3) How do neighbourhood changes affect older resi- reversed. Consequently, scholarly debates are increasingly dents’ experiences of social exclusion/inclusion? seeking to conceptualize and shed light on the various forms of “indirect” displacement that may be created when 2. Theoretical Framework an existing population is not literally forced out of an area—because they live in social housing or are otherwise 2.1. Social Exclusion. This research project is framed pri- protected from displacement in the literal sense—but their marily by a conceptualization of the dynamics of social local cultures and narratives of place, their access to familiar exclusion [29]. Social exclusion originated as a sociological services, or their channels of local political representation concept, emerging from European policy circles, especially are disrupted by the influx of younger, more educated in the 1990s [30, 31] extending into gerontological research and wealthier newcomers [22–25]. A complementary insight and public policy debates, especially within the context from the social determinants of health literature [26]is of the United Kingdom [14, 15, 32–34]. More recently, that discrepancies between personal income (low) and Billette and Lavoie [29] define social exclusion as a process neighbourhood status (high) can be associated with poor of nonacknowledgement and deprivation of rights and health, especially for older people. These trends create a resources of certain segments of the population (in this case, need to deepen our understandings of how gentrification can older adults) that takes the shape of power dynamics between affect older people. groups with divergent visions and interests. Such processes Empirical work on its indirect negative effects on older result in inequities and lead eventually to isolation from people is as yet very sparse, but with a few insightful society in seven dimensions: (1) symbolic exclusion (negative exceptions, such as that of Lehman-Frisch [27] alluding images, overrepresentations, and invisibility); (2) identity to commercial gentrification’s culturally and economically exclusionary impact on long-term older adult residents of exclusion (multiple identities are dismissed and a person’s San Francisco and findings from Toulouse, France showing identity is reduced to belonging to one singular group, Journal of Aging Research 3 for example, “old”, “frail”, “burdensome”); (3) sociopo- not only from everyday social exchanges and relationships litical exclusion (barriers to civic/political participation); but also from a sense of being well known and knowing oth- (4) institutional exclusion (reduced access to services); ers. Third, autobiographical insideness has been suggested to (5) economic exclusion (lack of financial resources); (6) be the most relevant to describe older people’s attachment exclusion of significant social ties (absence/loss of social to place because it is embedded in memories. As we age, network); (7) territorial exclusion (reduced geographic living these memories are recalled selectively in the creation of area, unsafe neighbourhood). Billette and Lavoie’s definition one’s identity. Older people with strong ties to place are also puts forth two essential characteristics of social exclusion. reported to feel more in control, more secure and to have First, it is a dynamic, fluid process rather than a static a positive sense of self. Attachment to place has also been state. Second, since it is a multidimensional concept, it studied by Rubinstein and Parmelee [40] and more recently allows for a rich understanding of how social exclusion by Sugihara and Evans [44] who make the link between can be experienced across many facets of a person or older people’s attachment to their dwelling, maintaining population’s life. For instance, in relation to gentrification, a positive self-image and maintaining their independence. increases in rents and the changing commercial landscape Overall, in the past 30 years the study of attachment to place may put financial strain on older people, especially those has captured the attention of scholars from geographical, with modest incomes (economic exclusion). Older adults gerontological, and environmental psychology perspectives could also lose their political influence in relation to social [6, 37, 39, 45, 46], yet to date little has been written on what planning (sociopolitical exclusion). The arrival of younger, occurs when older people, who are aging in place, experience more educated populations can reinforce certain stereotypes a neighbourhood that is itself undergoing change [14]. of older people, such as “slow”; “nosy”; “busy-bodies” of the neighbourhood (symbolic exclusion). Leaving a familiar 3. Methods neighbourhood or having friends and neighbours move away can also lead to social network exclusion. The dimension 3.1. Study Design and Sample. We situated our research in of territorial exclusion is of particular interest because an explorative, qualitative case study design [47], cases being neighbourhood change involving gentrification could lead the changing neighbourhood, the unit of analysis being to feelings of insecurity as familiar institutions disappear the older person’s personal experience of neighbourhood and the public spaces of everyday life take on a new change. Case study methodology is suitable for studying look and “feel.” Territorial exclusion also shares dimensions complex and multifaceted social phenomena embedded in with the useful geographic concepts of direct displacement specific contexts [48]. Our overarching research question (physically forced out of one’s neighbourhood) and indirect is concerned with how older adults experience different displacement, as described above. types of neighbourhood change, especially those involving gentrification. Exploring this complex issue necessitates recourse to multiple sources of evidence (e.g., document 2.2. Attachment to Place. The concept of attachment is analysis, interviews with older people, and key informants), central to understanding how urban change can affect which is typical of case study methodology in the social older adults. An individual’s level of attachment to their environment will have a direct impact on how changes are sciences. For the Montreal component of the research, we selected two inner-city neighbourhoods (see descriptions experienced and perceived. This is especially the case for older people because, as mentioned above, the immediate below) where local community stakeholders were concerned environment becomes more important with age [8, 9]. about current or impending gentrification and how it could Older people develop a sense of self-attachment, personal affect older people. Following a complete ethics review identity, and social differentiation through the relationship process by two university ethics boards (covering informed they construct and maintain with daily, “ordinary” spaces consent, confidentiality, respect, risks, and benefits, etc.), [35]. Therefore, understanding older people’s attachment to we conducted 30 semistructured face-to-face interviews with place becomes a crucial element to understanding how they autonomous and mobile older adults aged from 68 to 95 experience neighbourhood change. years. All of our participants had lived in one of the two It is important to make the distinction between place and Montreal ´ neighbourhoods for at least 10 years or did live pre- space. Space refers to the physical location, whereas place can viously there but had moved away in the past five years. We be thought of as a process and includes an integration of included private renters, homeowners, and people living in physical, social, emotional and symbolic aspects, interacting residences for autonomous older adults. We also conducted in different degrees [6, 36]. Several authors have since written 10 in-depth interviews with key informants (i.e., six in La on attachment to place [37–41] dating back to the path- Petite-Patrie and four in Lower NDG, who came from varied breaking work of Rowles [42, 43] who developed a theory of backgrounds (e.g., municipal councillor, priest, community insideness to conceptualize attachment to place, using three workers, etc.). Table 1 summarizes some key characteristics components: (1) autobiographical; (2) physical; (3) social. of the older adults who participated in this study. For Rowles, physical insideness is associated with living somewhere for long periods of time—the resident establishes 3.2. Data Collection. Participants were referred from a a sense of environmental control or mastery by creating an variety of community organizations (e.g., a tenant advocacy idiosyncratic rhythm and routine. Social insideness evolves organization, the local community health care centre in both 4 Journal of Aging Research Table 1: Profile of study participants (n = 30). La Petite-Patrie Lower NDG Total Total participants 18 12 30 Men 6 5 11 Women 12719 65–69 1 0 1 70–74 1 3 4 75–79 8 3 11 80–84 4 1 5 85–90 3 3 6 90+ 1 2 3 Mother tongue French 12 0 12 English 0 5 5 Italian 6 7 13 Highest level of education Primary school (incomplete or complete) 8 7 15 Some high school 5 1 6 High school (completed) 2 1 3 Postsecondary 2 2 4 Socioeconomic status Low income 93 12 Current residents Owners 5 9 14 Renters 13 3 16 Renters living in HLM (public housing) 415 Former residents 516 Years in neighbourhood Less than 30 years 5 4 9 30 to 39 years 7 2 9 50 years and over 6 6 12 Total 18 12 30 No information for two participants, one in each neighbourhood. For the study purposes, low-income participants are those receiving the guaranteed income supplement (GIS), which provides additional money to top off the Old Age Security Pension. The maximum annual income for a single person GIS recipient is $15,960 (Service Canada, Old Age Security Payment Rates, April-June 2011: http://www.servicecanada.gc.ca/eng/isp/oas/oasrates.shtml). This definition is more stringent than Statistics Canada’s low-income cut-off of $22,229 before tax in 2009 for a single person living in a city of more than 100,000 inhabitants (Statistics Canada, Low Income Lines 2008-2009: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75f0002m/2010005/tbl/tbl02-eng.htm). HLM (Habitations a` loyer modique) are apartment complexes for low-to-modest income households, owned and managed by the public sector. Rent is set at 25% of household income and includes basic utilities. Tenants are selected from a waiting list according to needs-based criteria established by the provincial government. Those in our study are specifically for autonomous older adults. Lowest value of years in neighbourhood is 9 years followed by 12 years; all others resided in neighbourhood over 15 years. neighbourhoods, and the NDG Senior Citizens Council). was unable to locate former residents who had maintained Our research assistants put up posters in businesses and ties with the Council. Other prospective participants were distributed pamphlets and presented the project at various ineligible or not interested for various reasons (e.g., did not social events for older people. We encountered important meet age requirements, insufficient length of residency, poor challenges recruiting individuals displaced as a result of health). Attempts to recruit displaced individuals using the gentrification (this is a widespread problem in gentrification snowball method were also unfruitful. We also contacted research [11]). Although we had partnered with a tenant several autonomous residences for older people in adjacent advocacy organization in La Petite-Patrie that was willing to areas of Montreal, ´ but their administrators were not willing refer recently displaced clients, this strategy only generated to participate in the study. In sum, in La Petite-Patrie we one interview. In Lower NDG, the Senior Citizens Council interviewed five displaced residents. In Lower NDG, we had also hoped to refer recently displaced members but interviewed one long-term resident who had recently left. Journal of Aging Research 5 However, only one of the displaced participants was forced to until the research team members arrived at a consensus. The leave because of a housing takeover, all of the others moved entire analysis process was facilitated by using the qualitative due to declining health. software package QDA Miner. Interviews were conducted in English, French, and/or Italian, lasted between 60 minutes to two hours, were 4. The Two Study Neighbourhoods voice recorded and transcribed in their entirety, the Italian material being subsequently translated into French. The Before moving on to the presentation of findings, we original French language interview guide was developed now briefly introduce the two neighbourhoods, referring in collaboration with our French colleagues and upon to a summary table showing how their sociodemographic completion was translated into English and Italian. Our characteristics evolved over the decade preceding the start of interviews aimed to explore what changes older residents our fieldwork (Table 2). perceive as having occurred in the neighbourhood (e.g., new constructions, population, neighbourhood image, etc.) and 4.1. La Petite-Patrie. La Petite-Patrie is a working-class inner what the effects have been on them. Some of the potential city district a few kilometres north of downtown Montreal ´ impacts were covered systematically: social networks, change and dating from the 1910s–1920s when it was considered in urban landscape (e.g., loss/gain of new businesses, new part of a larger suburban district called Villeray. It is mainly constructions). We also wanted to explore to what extent French-Canadian in ethnocultural composition but is also older people’s social networks and activities were located home to one of the founding parishes of the city’s Italian- inside and outside of their neighbourhood, to be able to origin community. In the 1970s and 1980s its ethnocultural evaluate the significance of the local neighbourhood. Finally, profile diversified with the settlement of Latin American we were interested in what place older residents see for and Southeast Asian immigrants. It is known citywide today themselves in the neighbourhood, how they feel about aging mainly for two major culinary attractions in its western in place, what keeps them in their home. The interview sector: the Jean-Talon produce market and the Little Italy ended with a brief sociodemographic questionnaire to better commercial strip on nearby St. Lawrence Boulevard, both contextualize their perspectives. of which have been the object of large municipally led revi- The key informants were interviewed using a semistruc- talization initiatives in the past 10–15 years. Little Italy has tured interview guide and informed consent was obtained undergone a “rebranding” through ethnic entrepreneurship before each interview. The interviews lasted between 45 and many of the traditional storefronts on the main shopping minutes to one hour and were voice recorded in their street have been renovated and given way to more luxurious entirety. Participants were asked to describe the neighbour- boutiques. Although the resident population of Italian ethnic hood (types and cost of real estate and rentals, population, origin has shrunk by half from 1996 (5%) to 2006 (2.5%), the transportation, cultural activities, businesses, etc.). They local Italian business community is still powerful and Little were then asked about any changes they had noticed (new Italy remains a draw for Italian-origin residents of Montreal ´ constructions, population, etc.). Finally, they were asked and upper-middle-class consumers alike. The market has specifically about the role that older adults have in the neigh- been somewhat reoriented toward regionally produced and bourhood and whether they believe the neighbourhood is a artisanal specialty foodstuffs although a vast array of fresh good place to age. The term “gentrification” was purposefully produce is still available. excluded from all recruitment material and the interview Bucking the societal-scale trend of an aging population, guides so as not to bias participants’ responses. this area is now home to fewer senior citizens than a decade or so ago, and their relative weight has also diminished 3.3. Analysis. All interview transcripts were read, and an ana- (Table 2). It remains ethnically diverse, although the visible lytic summary was created for each participant to understand minority population has fallen, especially in the sectors the situation and the dynamics of social inclusion/exclusion most touched by the commercial gentrification that has of each of the participants. The analysis employed both been the key change in this area over the past 15 years or deductive and inductive approaches in identifying themes to so. La Petite-Patrie has seen a rapid increase in residential generate an understanding of how neighbourhood change gentrification activity since the early 2000s, in part due to an overspill from the city’s two most gentrified districts, to was experienced in the everyday lives of older adults. The seven dimensions of the social exclusion framework which it is adjacent. Housing market changes symptomatic [29] (symbolic, identity, territorial, sociopolitical, social of this gentrification are increased rates of homeownership network, economic, and institutional) were employed for (Table 2), spiralling real estate values (especially since the the first round of the deductive coding. To obtain a better mid-2000s, according to our key informants), mushroom- understanding of the participants’ perspective, we also ing infill condominium construction, and conversions of used Rowles’ three components of attachment (physical, rental units and nonresidential buildings (including an social, and autobiographical). To avoid forcing material iconic church) to condominiums, including some up-market into predefined categories and to reflect themes emerging housing units. Our community-based key informants claim from the data, we generated codes inductively using the that transformations of existing rental units have generated grounded theory approach of Glaser and Strauss [49]. These displacement in spite of the safeguards of tenants that are inductively generated codes were reviewed and discussed in principle built into law. As well, the neighbourhood has 6 Journal of Aging Research Table 2: Basic Sociodemographic data, Montreal ´ Census Metropolitan Area (CMA), Lower NDG, and La Petite-Patrie, 1996 and 2006. Montreal ´ CMA Lower NDG Petite-Patrie 1996 2006 1996 2006 1996 2006 Total population 3,326,510 3,635,571 9,553 10,284 15,792 15,423 Variation % +9.3+7.7 −2.3 Population 65 and over 400,135 495,690 1,110 1,120 2,025 1,740 % of total population 12.2 13.6 11.6 10.9 12.8 11.3 Population 20 to 44 1,338,110 1,313,615 4680 4995 7735 8225 % of total population 40,2 36,1 49,0 48,6 49,0 53,4 % with university degree 15.4 21.0 21.1 29.8 15.4 31.3 % low income households 27.3 21.1 45.6 41.8 58.6 40.4 Average total personal income 1.0 1.0 0.75 0.74 0.60 0.72 ratio (CMA = 1.0) % of private dwellings owned 48.5 53.4 19.0 20.3 15.5 18.5 Visible minority population 401,420 590,375 2,695 3,605 4,150 3,730 % of total population 12.2 16.5 28.7 35.8 26.5 24.4 Source: Statistics Canada, Censuses of 1996 and 2006, 20% sample data. The data for the case study neighbourhoods were calculated by aggregation of data published at the census tract level of geography. seen an influx of a younger, highly educated population, relative numbers of people belonging to a visible minority the average incomes of its residents, while still modest have risen considerably, unlike in La Petite-Patrie (Table 2), overall, have increased relative to the metropolitan area most of the increase being concentrated in the St-Raymond average while the proportion of low-income households sector. As to two of the classic precursors of gentrification, has fallen (Table 2). Two community organizations that the proportion of university degree holders increased faster have supported our project see these changes as creating than in the CMA as a whole but there was no relative increase pressures on low-income renters and are especially uneasy as in the weight of the 20–44 age group; thus, signs of incipient to whether residents in their 70s and older will still have their gentrification were less marked than in La Petite-Patrie. place in the neighbourhood if current trends persist. 5. Results 4.2. Lower NDG. LowerNDG,aninterwarsuburbinthe city’s west end, is mainly inhabited by an English-speaking 5.1. La Petite-Patrie. Before addressing the perception of changes and their assessment, it is important to describe and lower- to middle-income population, but like La Petite- the two main populations of older people residing in La Patrie, it was also a major area of settlement of Italian immigrants, the wave in this case beginning in the 1940s. Petite-Patrie: (1) the Italian population, homeowners who live in Little Italy, a sector within La Petite-Patrie (western In this case too, the Italian-origin population has halved in the decade 1996-2006 (6% to 3.2%). Unlike La Petite- sector of the neighbourhood); (2) the French-Canadians, Patrie, the main socioeconomic trend over the past decade who are mainly renters, residing near the centre and east of the neighbourhood. The Italians have a strong sense or so has been one of stability, even stagnation relative to the metropolitan area, rather than increasing income levels of attachment to Little Italy because this is the sector to which they immigrated, bought their first home, and raised (Table 2). However, a mega-hospital project, the new McGill University Health Centre (MUHC) campus, was planned their families (strong sense of autobiographical insideness). over a decade ago and has been under construction since Several interviewees expressed their attachment to the area 2009 on a vast site immediately adjacent to a section of this of Little Italy, comparing it to a village, or rather “the neighbourhood, named after the Catholic parish of Saint- village”. Their lives are organized around this relatively small Raymond, which forms the core of our study area. This has geographic space, and they are able to run all their daily already led to speculative construction of condominiums, errands on foot. Almost all of the Italians had dense social although so far these have been low end of market. Signif- networks within the neighbourhood. They also demon- icant revitalization of this working class neighbourhood is strated strong attachment to shops and cafes ´ they frequented expected once the hospital is completed. Local community on a regular basis as well as the local parish and associations. organizations have been highly proactive in warning about The public Jean-Talon market and parks also emerged as and trying to mitigate the potentially negative effects of significant places that were part of their routine. Contrary gentrification on the area’s low-income residents. Census to the Italians, the French-Canadians’ attachment was more data for 2006 (Table 2) show a neighbourhood whose older instrumental: as an 85-year-old female renter pointed out, population is holding its own in absolute terms, but not “we appreciate the neighbourhood because everything is at in relative terms. A major change is that the absolute and your fingertips” [translation]. Yet, some French Canadian Journal of Aging Research 7 participants expressed complex and deep-rooted attachment and low-income residents of the neighbourhood. An Italian- that went beyond the instrumental attachment to the speaking owner noted that the neighbourhood has become neighbourhood. For example, the woman who was forced prohibitively expensive, preventing members of his family to out of the neighbourhood because of a housing takeover settle there. continued to return frequently to shop in familiar stores. As for the business changes, the positions were also very Other French Canadians felt attachment to La Petite-Patrie diverse. Some participants harshly critiqued the changes to that went beyond having shops nearby; the attachment to two major commercial streets in the neighbourhood, notably their immediate environment became more evident as they St-Hubert Street where the variety of its stores had been expressed feeling threatened and uncomfortable with the lost and the new shops did not meet the needs of the older arrival of new ethnic minorities. neighbourhood residents: “All the stores we liked, they are For both populations, the perception of changes varied all gone. They were all replaced by fabric stores, prom dresses, considerably among interviewees. Some participants per- wedding boutiques .... “It is not at my age that I’ll buy that!” ceived only very few changes, if any, while others perceived [translation] (71-year-old French-Canadian woman, renter). several. People living in social housing complexes or in older As for commercial shift of St-Lawrence Boulevard and the residents’ apartment complexes generally perceived little renovation of the Jean-Talon market, many appreciated the change in the neighbourhood; many people living in these changes and the arrival of new businesses: “there’s a lot residences often only described the change in their individual of progress in Little Italy, in shops, restaurants ... Many residence. Moreover, the changes reported by participants people are coming” [translation] (71-year-old Italian man, focused on the immediate environs (one’s neighbours, one’s homeowner). However, few say they regularly attend the street, or at most a few surrounding streets). The most new restaurants and cafes, ´ preferring familiar places. Others common change noticed was a perception of increasing lament the increased traffic in Little Italy and higher market ethnoracial diversity (which, as we saw in Table 2,isnot prices that have forced them to do their shopping elsewhere. supported by census data). Reactions to this varied from One 91-year-old Italian man (home owner) described his frank expressions of unease—a sense of strangeness in ambivalence about the changes: “The Jean-Talon market used once-familiar public spaces which led some people not to to be more traditional, now it has become very commercial, frequent them any more—to discourses avowing tolerance there are too many people, in the summer we can’t go Fridays, and even a cosmopolitan mentality. For instance, one 79- Thursday evenings, and Saturday afternoon, there are just too year-old French-speaking woman stated, “You have to go many people! The market is working well, so for us; it is a to McDonald’s to see this. We don’t feel at home, it’s full of good thing because the houses have doubled in value! To buy a immigrants. I know. I don’t understand how they let that many home here, if I wanted to sell my house, they are going to pay!” into the country! I just don’t know” [translation]. An 85- [translation]. year-old French-Canadian woman said she felt “invaded,” A neighbourhood change that negatively affected a num- “It’s too crowded now (St-Hubert Street), and you hear all ber of the French-Canadian residents was the disappearance different languages. We ask ourselves where we are. I don’t like of the Golden Age Clubs and bingos: “Ah! It shocked me it. They are invading us! I am scared that in 10 years, what because it was the only fun we had. You know old people other languages are we going to hear? They are going to take are not interested in going to bars to drink, I do not drink. everything from us ... all the businesses; it’s them who are That was the only place we had to go. So since it closed: running them” [translation]. French Canadian interviewees “Stayhome!”Sowestayathome ... It’s as if for older also reported that local churches were increasingly being residents, we’re just too old, they are just waiting for us to die!” “taken over” by the Haitian population. Some told us they [translation] (71-year-old French-Canadian woman, renter). attend church much less often because they feel out of place, In recent years, three clubs catering to French-Canadians “I’m the only white face in the room” [translation], an 82-year- have closed their doors, while the Italian-speaking club old woman reported. In contrast, a man of Italian descent continues to operate. According to two key informants, these viewed this newfound diversity positively, “it helps to know closures are related to lack of leadership in the clubs, deficient new people, other cultures, to reduce prejudice, because we are financial support from the municipal borough, and to their all alike!” [translation]. declining popularity, especially as the aging population of the Several interviewees reported that real estate values and neighbourhood decreases. In this sense, the closure may be rents had increased substantially in recent years. Several also linked to the gentrification with the arrival of a younger and pointed out the spread of condominiums, some referring to more educated population. the transformation of a local church into quite luxurious condominiums. Despite the documented increase in the 5.2. Lower NDG. The two main populations residing in number of residents with university degrees, very few Lower NDG are the Italian-Canadians, of whom those in study participants noted the arrival of a younger, better our sample are all homeowners, and the English-speaking educated and wealthier population to the neighbourhood, Canadians, of whom those we interviewed are both home with the exception of one 76-year-old French-speaking owners and renters (Table 1). The scarcity of businesses in woman who welcomes the arrival of more “refined people” Lower NDG, especially in the St-Raymond sector, forces [translation]. While some owners appreciated the increased value of their homes, others saw the recent developments its residents to leave the neighbourhood regularly and as negative because they did not meet the needs of families frequently to meet most of their consumer, social, and in 8 Journal of Aging Research some cases, spiritual needs. As such, their instrumental they did not have a political voice, especially compared to attachment is low, especially compared to the residents of La the Italian population: “It’s more difficult. First of all, the older Petite-Patrie. Some residents expressed indifference toward residents’ voices are all Italian, who is going to give ... Idon’t their neighbourhood, as one 90-year-old English-speaking think anyone really cares. I mean politicians pretend they do for woman made clear when asked why she decided to move to five minutes to bet whatever bills they want passed; they make the neighbourhood and stay for so many years: “Idon’t know, it look like they really care ... Yes, but this is silly, but I think it’s a place to live, you have to live some place!”However,some there is a place for giving people more of a say in life rather than homeowners demonstrated a strong sense of attachment just being consumers” (73-year-old English-speaking woman, linked to their deep-rooted history with the neighbourhood. homeowner). Despite the generally reported deterioration For example, one 74-year-old woman who bought the house of the neighbourhood, the arrival of the new community she grew up in from her mother explained: “It’s just home ... centre was unanimously viewed as a positive addition, as My family they all stuck around, you know I got 4 children. And one 73-year-old woman owner pointed out: “Oh! It is a Ihavethe 2boyslivinghere. Iamvery ... My own son with his 2 beautiful place.” Participants viewed the community centre kids down the street, it’s great, it’s great!”However,compared as a new place to meet with their peers, “At least now to the Italian-origin residents, the social attachments among we have a place to go in the winter, where we can go for the English speaking Canadians were more family oriented 2-3 hours during the evening.” [translation] (70-year-old around individual homes whereas the Italians met regularly Italian woman, homeowner). Finally, interviewees expected to socialize at St-Raymond’s Parish and the bocce courts important future changes with the construction of the located behind St-Raymond’s Community Centre. (“Bocce” new mega-hospital centre yet the opinions were mixed. is a ball sport belonging to the boules sport family that Some consider the potential negative ramifications of the is commonly played outdoors during the summer months construction: “I don’t know they’ve been talking about it among the Italian communities in Montreal.) ´ for the past 10 years and nothing has happened yet. They’re As in La Petite-Patrie, the most common change noticed talking about making it (main artery running through St- in Lower NDG was the increase in ethnic minority popula- Raymond) a one way street .... I can’t imagine that!” (90-year- tions (which in this case is more congruent with the census old English speaking woman, renter). While others viewed data—Table 2). Perceptions were also mixed, but several the new construction in a more positive light: “I think because participants responded negatively toward the arrival of a of the super hospital I think it has given people a boost, even medical transit house for Inuit people, as they felt the centre though there’s been lots of complaints about what’s being done changed the image of the neighbourhood: “Idon’t know butthe factthatatleast thereissomeactivityismakingthe what they are going to do. I mean they (Inuit) are laying on place more ... less of a forgotten area ... Yesitisaplacethat churches ... Churches lawns and ... Well just yesterday, at the will be convenient, and ah it will be fine. Rather before it was a bus one was sitting in the door steps ... I mean that’s not very place that you hardly knew it existed, so now it is coming into its nice when people pass on the bus and see it, it is not very nice own.” (73 year-old English-speaking woman, homeowner). for people living here either ...” (74-year-old English-speaking woman, homeowner). However, some residents, such as a 6. Discussion 90-year-old English-speaking woman renter embraced the diversity: “Now there is everything. There’s Hindus and Jewish, Through this study we obtained an improved understanding but everyone gets along well.” of how older residents who are aging in place experience Some of the residents also reported feeling less secure neighbourhoods that are themselves undergoing change. The in the neighbourhood: “Putitthisway,you askme, if I results show that even when older residents remain in place, feel at home on my street, yes. Ask me if I could go down they may experience feelings of strangeness, insecurity, and to Saint-James, after 9 o’clock, no!” (74-year-old English- social exclusion. speaking woman, homeowner). An 85-year-old English- The experiences of attachment to neighbourhood dif- speaking homeowner also mentioned that the neighbour- fered depending on the nature of the neighbourhood and the hood is becoming less safe, that there have been a couple of population at hand. Instrumental (or functional) attachment recent shootings and a “person was beat up” at the top of her was not captured by Rowles’ threefold typology, yet it was the street. most widely reported among both the Italians and French Similar to La Petite-Patrie, there were also reports of Canadians in La Petite-Patrie. It is not surprising that there lost institutions; for example, a 74-year-old English-speaking was no reported instrumental attachment in Lower NDG woman regrets the loss of the church in which she was an since the neighbourhood is lacking in local services, which active member for over 40 years: “I like my new church but forces the residents to leave the area to meet the majority of I mean I loved my old church. That was a surprise, but I their daily needs. Commercial and institutional deficiency in can worship anywhere. You know, it is not like I was married Lower NDG not only prevented the residents from “living” there, my father or mother ... No they weren’t married there the neighbourhood, it also prohibited them from establish- but ... But all my kids were christened there ..., you know, ing a routine with it (Rowles’ [38, 39] physical insideness). so I have a lot more attachment to that, I mean to that However, with the arrival of the new mega-hospital, residents one.” Despite this loss, there were no collective political maybecomemoreinstrumentallyattached,assomeof movements to save this important institution. Some of the the residents forecast that the construction will bring new English-speaking interviewees expressed frustration and felt businesses and services to their “forgotten” neighbourhood. Journal of Aging Research 9 Two groups seem to stand out in both neighbourhoods, of Lower NDG seemed less affected by changes, such as although we are cautious given the small number of partici- the closure of their Anglican church, because they were pants: (1) the Italian homeowners, and (2) the English and used to leaving the neighbourhood to meet their needs. In French-speaking renters. First, neighbourhood attachment addition, an unexpected result was the implementation of is recognized as being more prevalent for homeowners a new community centre with activities catering to older than it is for renters, the formers’ symbolic as well as people in Lower NDG, a deteriorating neighbourhood, material investment being greater due to their likelihood of whereas in La Petite-Patrie, a neighbourhood undergoing moving less frequently than renters [45]. Second, compared gentrification, we see the closure of important institutions to the Italians, the French- and English-speaking Canadian for older adults. This surprising finding is at odds with the interviewees had a widely dispersed social network in the viewpoint of Bowling and Stratford (2007) [52] who suggest city, and/or had moved several times during their adult that increasing the affluence of an area may improve the lives, thereby not establishing the same sense of social social and physical functioning of older people who are aging connectedness (social insideness) as the Italians. The Italians’ in place. This was not the case in La Petite-Patrie, where description of the neighbourhood as a “village” effectively the closure of French-Canadian Golden Age Clubs led to a portrays their warm feelings of connectedness with neigh- form of “house arrest” for some of the participants. Yet, in bours and their surroundings and seems to be related to Lower NDG, the English-speaking Canadians reported fear their stronger sense of autobiographical insideness, as they of crime, which prevented them from going out at night. As had built their lives in the neighbourhood. In Lower NDG, noted by Anne-Marie Seguin ´ et al. [53], when one is confined some of the English-speaking Canadians were homeowners, to the home it becomes a place of isolation and invisibility. yet there was much less a sense of social connectedness and Feelings of insecurity and the disappearance of familiar autobiographical insideness beyond their individual homes institutions provided evidence of Billette and Lavoie’s [29] and their immediate families. dimension of territorial exclusion. Conversely, in both We have alluded to the fact that the older residents’ neighbourhoods, the Italians had managed to maintain their perceived changes do not necessarily reflect the reality of social and cultural institutions. For instance, at present, the the neighbourhood changes, especially in regards to the Italian Parish in La Petite-Patrie has many members who proportion of the visible minority population (principally attend very regularly, and a number of activities continue to in La Petite-Patrie). Yet the first, and sometimes the only, be organized around the church. Similarly, the Italian Golden type of change noted in both neighbourhoods was in terms Age clubs of this community continue to operate, contrary of visible signs of an increasing ethnoracial diversity and to the French-Canadian clubs. A key informant even spoke physical signs such as new condos, commercial revitalisation, of the older Italians wanting to open a residence catering and so forth. On the other hand, new younger and better- specifically to Italian seniors in Little Italy. Similarly, in Lower educated populations went virtually unnoticed. This relative NDG, the older Italians continued to meet regularly at St- invisibility of the arrival of this new population suggests that Raymond’s Church and the bocce courts located behind St- social class change is less dramatic than ethnic distinctions. Raymond’s Community Centre. This finding draws a parallel to Alba’s [50]Mexican study, For a number of reasons, the residents of Italian descent where changes related to gentrification were not perceived by in both neighbourhoods viewed the neighbourhood changes interviewees besides home renovations. Negative comments with more serenity and comfort than the French- and relating to the perceived increase in ethnic minorities were English-speaking Canadian residents. Similar to Pashup- more common than were positive ones. The French Canadi- Graham [28] whose Chicago-based study unveiled some ans in La Petite-Patrie and the English-speaking participants of the positive consequences of gentrification, the Italians in Lower NDG felt especially “invaded,” that they no longer viewed the revitalization with enthusiasm; they recognized belonged or felt “at home” among the new faces on their once that the neighbourhood was becoming more attractive and familiar landscape. The negative feelings of “strangeness” that the value of their homes was increasing. While the in a well-known environment provide evidence of indirect Italians were mostly homeowners, giving them some pro- displacement and symbolic exclusion [29] resonating with tection against the gentrification of the neighbourhood, the Nord’s [51] “politics of resentment” in which the London French Canadians were all renters. It is thus not surprising shopkeepers who were interviewed blamed multiculturalism that the renters we met, be they French or English-speaking, and cultural diversity in the neighbourhood for inequalities were at the same time less attached to their neighbourhood and feeling powerless. On the other hand, the Italians did and possibly more vulnerable to perceived and objective not report the same negative experience, which is likely to local changes generating experiences of social exclusion. For be related to their strong sense of social insideness to the instance, the French- and English- speaking Canadians were neighbourhood. experiencing forms of symbolic exclusion, as was pointed out Among the reported changes, the greatest effect on by two key informants who believed that these populations older residents was related to the closure of the Golden were no longer seen or heard, rendering them invisible. Age Clubs and churches as well as the revamping of a Similar to Martin [23] who looks at political displacement, commercial street (niche market of bridal and evening wear) the absence of the voices of this population in politics and a public market (higher market prices). However, an and decision making also suggests a form of sociopolitical important distinction between the English- and French- exclusion. The visibility and political influence of the Italians speaking populations was that the English-speaking residents were obvious to some of the other interviewees, which may 10 Journal of Aging Research have reinforced feelings of exclusion among the French- Acknowledgments and English-speaking populations. This finding is supported This research is funded (2008–2011) by the Social Sciences by Phillipson [14] who writes, “variations in community and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Grant no. 410- attachments now illustrate significant inequalities within the 2008–0224. We wish to thank all our interviewees and the older population: most notably between those able to make various community organizations that provided guidance conscious decisions about where and with whom to live, and and assistance with recruitment. The usual disclaimers those who feel marginalised and alienated by changes in the apply. communities in which they have “aged in place” (page 336). Finally, unlike the French- and English-speaking commu- nities, the Italians had managed to maintain their cultural References and social institutions. The reasons for this preservation are [1] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Localisation complex, and we are cautious given the small sample size; Urbaine et expression du vieillissement,” Sociologie Sante, vol. it appears that their strong sense of physical, social, and 11, pp. 105–118, 1994. autobiographical insideness led to greater visibility, political [2] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Vivre la ville power, and control over changes, which in turn protected al ` avieillesse:semenager ´ et se risquer,” Les Annales de la themfromsomedynamicsofsocialexclusion. Recherche Urbaine, vol. 73, 1996. The first expected impact of gentrification is often [3] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Exper ´ iences financial [54]. An unexpected finding was that almost no du vieilissement et formes urbaines,” in L’urbain dans Tous ses ´etats. Faire, Vivre, Dire la Ville, N. Haumont, Ed., pp. 231–242, respondents experienced economic exclusion. This appears L’Harmattan, Paris, France, 1998. to be related to the fact that La Petite-Patrie is undergoing [4] C. Lalive d’Epinay, J. Christe, H. M. Coenen-Huther et al., incomplete gentrification [55]; that the neighbourhood is Vieillesses- Situations, Itin´eraires et Modes de vie des Personnes maintaining a certain social mix that is manifested by the Ag´ees Aujourd’hui, Georgi, Saint-Saphorin, Switzerland, 1983. heterogeneity of businesses, the cost of housing, and social [5] F. Oswald, A. Hieber, H. W. Wahl, and H. Mollenkopf, “Ageing status of the population. A second potentially protective and person-environment fit in different urban neighbour- element is that Quebec ´ has a system of rent regulation. The hoods,” European Journal of Ageing, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 88–97, situation could be very different in other cities that do not have these protective measures in place; thus there is scope [6] J. Wiles, “Conceptualizing place in the care of older people: the for further research. contributions of geographical gerontology,” Journal of Clinical Nursing, vol. 14, no. 8 B, pp. 100–108, 2005. [7] M. P. Cutchin, “Agenda for future spaces for inquiry into 7. Conclusion the role of place for older people’s care,” Journal of Clinical Nursing, vol. 14, no. 8 B, pp. 121–129, 2005. The majority of environmental gerontology research has [8] G. Bridge, R. Forrest, and E. Holland, Neighbouring: A focused on how to provide security and strengthen an older Review of the Evidence, University of Bristol, ESRC Centre for person’s sense of self while they age in place. There is a Neighbourhood Research, Bristol, UK, 2004. call for further research that considers how neighbourhood [9] A. M. Guest and S. K. Wierzbicki, “Social ties at the change affects older residents who age in place. This study neighborhood level: two decades of GSS evidence,” Urban goes beyond economic impacts of neighbourhood change Affairs Review, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 92–111, 1999. and considers the importance of social, cultural, and political [10] S. Clement, ´ J. Mantovani, and M. Membrado, “Bon voisinage consequences that may affect people’s quality of life. Our aux solidarites ´ de proximite, ´ ” in Solitude et Isolement des Personnes ag ˆ ´ees. L’environnement Solidaire, pp. 105–138, Eres, ` observations also support the relevance of examining the Toulouse, France, 2004. possible role of gentrification in the dynamics of social [11] R. Atkinson and M. Wulff, Gentrification and Displacement: A exclusion of older people who are living in a changing Review of Approaches and Findings in the Literature AHURI working class neighbourhood and, at the same time, have Positioning Paper no. 115, Southern and Monash Research little control over local institutions and organizations that Centre: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, are essential to meet their needs. In addition, this study reinforces the importance of considering the heterogeneity [12] H.-W. Wahl and G. D. Weisman, “Environmental gerontology of the older adult population; inequalities and social dif- at the beginning of the new millennium: reflections on its historical, empirical, and theoretical development,” The ferences still exist, even within golden age cohorts. To this Gerontologist, vol. 43, no. 5, pp. 616–627, 2003. end, Manzo [56], citing Hummon [56], recalled that the [13] A. E. Smith, Ageing in Urban Neighbourhoods: Place Attach- rootedness of some members of the community involves ment and Social Exclusion, Policy Press, Bristol, UK, 2010. the removal and exclusion of other members. Finally, our [14] C. Phillipson, “The “elected” and the “excluded”: sociological findings demonstrate the crucial role that social spaces play perspectives on the experience of place and community in old in order to maintain or develop social links, increase visibility age,” Ageing & Society, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 321–342, 2007. and consequently feelings of inclusion. There is a need to [15] T. Scharf, C. Phillipson, and A. E. Smith, Multiple Exclusion maintain these social spaces for older residents, especially in and Quality of Life amongst Excluded Older People in Disadvan- changing environments, to ensure that older people have a taged Neighbourhoods,Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, space to be seen and heard. Social Exclusion Unit, London, UK, 2005. Journal of Aging Research 11 [16] C. Phillipson, “Ageing and urban society: growing old in the [35] C. Twigger-Ross and D. Uzzell, “Place and identity processes,” century of the city,” in The Sage Handbook of Social Gerontol- Journal of Environmental Psychology, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 205– ogy,D.Daffener and C. Phillipson, Eds., Sage, Thousand Oaks, 220, 1996. Calif, USA, 2010. [36] D. Massey, AGlobalSense of Place, Policy Press, Cambridge, [17] C. Hamnett, “Gentrification, postindustrialism, industrial and Mass, USA, 1994. occupational restructuring in global cities,” in A Companion to [37] S. Peace and C. Holland, Inclusive Housing in an Ageing Society, the City, G. Bridge and S. Watson, Eds., Blackwell, Oxford, UK, Innovative Approaches, Policy Press, Bristol, UK, 2001. [38] S. Peace, H.-W. Wahl, H. Mollenkopf, and F. Oswald, “Envi- [18] L. Lees,T.Slater, andE.Wyly, Gentrification,Routledge, ronment and ageing,” in Ageing in Society, J. Bond, S. Peace, F. London, UK, 2007. Dittman-Kohli, and G. Westerhof, Eds., 3rd edition, 2007. [19] K. Shaw, “Gentrification: what it is, why it is, and what can [39] S. Peace, C. Holland, and L. Kellaher, Environment and Identity be done about it,” Geography Compass, vol. 2, pp. 1697–1728, in Later Life, Open University Press, Maidenhead, UK, 2005. [40] R. L. Rubinstein and P. A. Parmelee, “Attachment to place [20] J. Hackworth and J. Rekers, “Ethnic packaging and gentrifica- and representation of life course by the elderly,” in Place tion: the case of four neighborhoods in Toronto,” Urban Affairs Attachment: Human Behavior and Environment,I.Altmanand Review, vol. 41, no. 2, pp. 211–236, 2005. S. M. Low, Eds., vol. 12, pp. 139–163, Plenum Press, New York, [21] D. Rose, “Local state policy and “new-build gentrifi cation” in NY, USA, 1992. Montreal: ´ the role of the “population factor” in a fragmented [41] L. M. Vandemark, “Promoting the sense of self, place, and governance context,” Population, Space and Place, vol. 16, no. belonging in displaced persons: the example of homelessness,” 5, pp. 413–428, 2010. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, vol. 21, no. 5, pp. 241–248, [22] P. Marcuse, “Abandonment, gentrification and displacement: 2007. the linkages in New York City,” in Gentrification of the City, [42] G. Rowles, Prisoners of Space? Exploring the Geographical N. Smith and P. Williams, Eds., pp. 153–177, Unwin Hyman, Experience of Older People, Westview Press, Boulder, Colo, London, UK, 1986. USA, 1978. [23] L. Martin, “Fighting for control: political displacement in [43] G. Rowles, “Geographical dimensions of social support in Atlanta’s gentrifying neighborhoods,” Urban Affairs Review, rural Appalachian community,” in Aging and Milieu: Environ- vol. 42, no. 5, pp. 603–628, 2007. mental Perspectives on Growing Old, G. Rowles and R. Ohta, [24] M. Davidson and L. Lees, “New-build gentrification and Eds., pp. 231–239, Academic Press, New York, NY, USA, 1983. London’s riverside renaissance,” Environment and Planning A, [44] S. Sugihara and G. W. Evans, “Place attachment and social vol. 37, no. 7, pp. 1165–1190, 2005. support at continuing care retirement communities,” Environ- [25] N. Blomley, Unsettling the City: Urban Land and the Politics of ment and Behavior, vol. 32, no. 3, pp. 400–409, 2000. Property, Routledge, London, UK, 2004. [45] B. Brown, D. D. Perkins, and G. Brown, “Place attachment [26] D. J. H. Deeg andG.C.F.Thomese, ´ “Discrepancies between in a revitalizing neighborhood: individual and block levels of personal income and neighbourhood status: effects on physi- analysis,” Journal of Environmental Psychology, vol. 23, no. 3, cal and mental health,” European Journal of Ageing, vol. 2, no. pp. 259–271, 2003. 2, pp. 98–108, 2005. [46] S. M. Golant, A Place to Grow Old: The Meaning of Environ- [27] S. Lehman-Frisch, “Like a village: les habitants et leur rue ment in Old Age, Colombia University Press, New York, NY, commerc¸ante dans Noe Valley, un quartier gentrified ´ eSan USA, 1984. Francisco,” Espaces et Soci´et´es, vol. 108-109, pp. 49–68, 2002. [47] R. Stake, The Art of Case Study Research CA, Sage, Thousand [28] J. Pashup-Graham, Coping with Changes in the Neighbourhood: Oaks, Calif, USA, 1995. Residential Capital, Aging and Neighbourhood Preferences, [48] R. Yin, Applications of Case Study Research, Sage, Beverly Hills, Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Sociology, University of Calif, USA, 1993. Chicago, Chicago, Ill, USA, 2003. [49] B. G. Glaser and A. L. Straus, The Discovery of Grounded [29] V. Billette and J.-P. Lavoie, “Introduction. Vieillissements, Theory, Aldine, Chicago, Ill, USA, 1967. exclusions sociales et solidarites, ´ ” in Vieillir au Pluriel. Per- [50] M. Alba, “Memoir ´ e urbaine et representations ´ socio-spatiales: spectives Sociales,M.N.DansCharpentier,V.Billette, J.P. l’exper ´ ience du vieillir dans la met ´ ropole, le cas de la ville de Lavoie, A. Grenier, and I. Olazabal, Eds., pp. 1–22, Presses de Mexico,” in Proceedings of the Vivre le vieillir: des lieux, des l’Universited ´ uQuebec, ´ Quebec, ´ Canada, 2010. mots, des actes, Universite´ de Toulouse II-Le Mirail, Toulouse, [30] S. Paugam, L’Exclusion. L’Etat des Savoirs,LaDec ´ ouverte, Paris, France, 2009. France, 1996. [51] P. G. Nord, “The small shopkeepers movement and politics [31] F. X. Merrien, “Etat-providence et lutte contre l’exclusion,” in France, 1888–1914,” in Shopkeepers and Master Artisans in in L’Exclusion, L’Etat des Savoirs, pp. 417–421, La Dec ´ ouverte, Nineteenth Century Europe, H.-G. H. Geoffrey Crossick, Ed., Paris, France, 1996. Methuen, London, UK, 1984. [32] D. Byrne, Social Exclusion, Open University Press, Bucking- [52] A. Bowling and M. Stafford, “How do objective and subjective ham, UK, 1999. assessments of neighbourhood influence social and physical [33] T. Scharf, C. Phillipson, P. Kingston, and A. E. Smith, “Social functioning in older age? Findings from a British survey of exclusion and older people: exploring the connections,” ageing,” Social Science & Medicine, vol. 64, no. 12, pp. 2533– Education and Ageing, vol. 16, pp. 303–320, 2001. 2549, 2007. [34] C. Lessof and R. Jowell, Measuring Social Exclusion, University [53] A.-M. Seguin, ´ P. Apparicio, and P. Negron, Evolution de of Oxford, National Centre for Social Research and Depart- la Distribution Spatiale de la Population ag ˆ ´ee dans Huit ment of Sociology, Centre for Research into Elections and M´etropoles: Une S´egr´egation qui s’amenuise ? INRS Centre Social Trends, Oxford, UK, 2000. Urbanisation Culture Societ ´ e, ´ Montreal, ´ Canada, 2008. 12 Journal of Aging Research [54] S. M. Keigher, Housing Risks and Homelessness among the Urban Elderly, Haworth Press, New York, NY, USA, 1991. [55] R. A. Walks and R. Maaranen, The Timing, Patterning, & Forms of Gentrification & Neighbourhood Upgrading in Montreal, Toronto & Vancouver, 1961 to 2001,Centrefor Urbanand Community Studies, Cities Centre, University of Toronto, Totonto, Canada, 2008. [56] D. M. Hummon, “Community attachment,” in Place Attach- ment, I. Altman and S. M. Low, Eds., pp. 253–278, Plenum Press, New York, NY, USA, 1992. MEDIATORS of INFLAMMATION The Scientific Gastroenterology Journal of World Journal Research and Practice Diabetes Research Disease Markers Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 International Journal of Journal of Immunology Research Endocrinology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Submit your manuscripts at http://www.hindawi.com BioMed PPAR Research Research International Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Journal of Obesity Evidence-Based Journal of Journal of Stem Cells Complementary and Ophthalmology International Alternative Medicine Oncology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 Parkinson’s Disease Computational and Behavioural Mathematical Methods AIDS Oxidative Medicine and in Medicine Research and Treatment Cellular Longevity Neurology Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation Hindawi Publishing Corporation http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014 http://www.hindawi.com Volume 2014

Journal

Journal of Aging ResearchHindawi Publishing Corporation

Published: Oct 13, 2011

There are no references for this article.